Connect with us

Features

SCHOOL DAYS AT ROYAL COLLEGE (1939-1946)

Published

on

Royal College

(Excerpted from Falling Leaves, autobiography of AC Arulpragasam*)

The War Years: Royal College Buildings Taken Over

During World War II (around 1939), the British military took over the buildings of Royal College, including the College Boarding, where I was boarded. The whole of the Race Course was taken over together with the Royal College and University grounds to make an airfield for the British fighter planes. Meanwhile, Royal College was forced to share classrooms with the University. Since we were short of classrooms, some of our classes were actually held under the wings of the ‘Hurricane’ fighter planes and the camouflage nets covering them! After about a year, Royal was able to rent four large houses down Turret Road, where I spent the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Forms. Discipline became lax, with the boys taking the chance “to scoot” (play truant) whenever they changed classes from one building to another.

For me personally, the take-over of the College Boarding meant that I had to move from one private boarding to another, facing many hardships. I had to cycle to and from Wellawatte for rugger practice in the morning at Police Park then. I had to cycle back to my boarding house in Wellawatte to shower and change: and then cycle back in the monsoon rains to Turret Road for classes at Royal College. There I would sit in drenched clothes throughout the day, before having to preside over athletics and boxing practice in the evenings, before returning home completely exhausted after 7.30 p.m. – after which, I was supposed to study for the Senior School Certificate (SSC) exam!

My Studies

In my early days in Forms I to III, I tried to be accepted as a sportsman, but without much success. But two things happened in the Fourth Form which entirely changed my academic career. First, I switched from ‘Science’ to ‘Arts’, despite being brainwashed from birth that I should become a medical doctor like my father and brother. My second lifesaver was that the Japanese dropped a bomb (around 1941) on the outskirts of Colombo. Parents rushed to take their children out of Colombo to the safety of provincial schools. I automatically became first in the class and was anointed the ‘jewel’ by the Form Master, Mr. J.E.V. (Bada) Pieris. I had to sit in the front row and was called upon to answer all the questions, which the others could not. With the best students gone, I found that among the blind, the one-eyed man was king! Although somewhat embarrassed by this turn of events, I found that I enjoyed being considered the fount of all knowledge! I also won the Rajapakse Prize, for the best student at the junior level.

Although I sat and passed the SSC Examination (the equivalent of the GCE ‘O’ Levels) one year earlier than usual, over the objections of the School Principal, who objected to anyone skipping a year in school. Although I passed in the First Division and first in the whole school, the Principal, Mr. Bradby, true to his earlier warning, refused to promote me to the post-SSC Class (the Upper Sixth).

He ultimately did so because he wanted to make me a Prefect (the tradition was that one could be made a Prefect only in the Upper VIth form). But he made this on condition that I would not be allowed to sit for the University Entrance that year. I found out later that this was because he wanted to make me Head Prefect of Royal, which he could not do if I left school one year earlier. Meanwhile, I sat for the examinations for the most prestigious prizes in Royal College and won the Shakespeare Prize, the Stewart Prize (or was it the Turnour Prize?) and later the Dornhorst Prize for the Best All-Rounder. Thus, my name was inscribed four times on the Rolls of Honour in the main Royal College Hall, which was an all-time record for the school at that time.

My Teachers

I wish to honour my teachers at Royal College. There were many dedicated and outstanding teachers among them, but for reasons of space, I shall single out the two from whom I benefited the most. The first was my teacher in the Fourth Form, Mr. J.E.V Pieris, affectionately called ‘Bada Pieris’ on account of his rotund figure. He epitomized the consummate teacher of the old school, giving us such a thorough grounding in English, Latin and History, which provided me a base for the future. Above all, I have to thank him for bringing out the student in me, since up to that time I had been more interested in sports than in my studies. Moreover, at a time of great instability, when our school was physically scattered and our morale low, he gave us the stability, emotional security and core values that we needed most at that time.

If Mr. Pieris built up our academics and core values (in Form IV), Mr. Dickie Attygalle, our English teacher (in Forms V and VI), sought to question or destroy them! Although he was supposed to teach us English Literature, he never really ‘taught’ us in the conventional sense; but he did open our minds to the modern writers and poets, whom we had never heard of before. He was also a Marxist, atheist and cynic – but at least he taught us to think! This he contrived to do by questioning everything we believed in, cynically attacking our values and deriding all the ideals and institutions that we cherished.

He would come to the class with a bored look on his face and, without any greeting, would adopt his classic pose of ennui (he was a great poseur), gazing languidly out of the window. Instead of teaching us English Literature, he would suddenly ask: ‘I suppose you guys believe in God’? This was met with nervous titters from the class: we were only 15 years old at the time and no one had ever really thought about God! On another day he would ask: ‘I suppose you guys believe in marriage?’ He would then go on ridiculing the idea of marriage, once even going to the extent of saying: ‘If your wife does not flush the toilet, I guess you guys will run to flush the bog after her!’ Shocked to the depths of our puritanical souls, we had never given thought to such ‘existential’ questions as flushing the toilet after hypothetical wives!

Since he would get no response from the rest of the class, he would pick on me as their leader, asking me directly whether I believed in God or not, in marriage or not, etc, challenging me always to analyze and defend my assumptions and beliefs. Similarly, he would deride my athletics, which he described ‘as one fool chasing another round the track’! Apart from teaching us English literature, Dickie Attygalle encouraged us to read leftist literature, including Karl Marx. This early start enabled me to outgrow Marxism even before my first year in the University, although my leftist leanings still persist at the age of 95! It is not a coincidence that Royal College produced the top students in English for the next few years, but also the top students in political science, sociology and history. All this happened because of the reading and thinking provoked by Dickie Attygalle: his iconoclastic attacks taught us to question, to analyze – and to think!

Sports

My greatest ambition when I entered Royal College, at the age of eleven, was to be a sportsman. Having failed in every sport, I was left only with boxing. Having won my first two fights against older opponents unexpectedly, I had to meet Tuan Cassim, who was the champion boxer in all schools, in the finals. I survived the first round but with a bad cut over my eye, which bled profusely. In the second round, although I could hardly see because of the blood, I got him into a corner and went on hammering into the corner with all my might. Suddenly I heard the gong sound urgently, while the referee hastened to stop the fight! I thought to myself: ‘have I knocked him out’? To my chagrin, I found that I had been battering the corner post of the ring, while my opponent stood behind me, looking charitably but sheepishly on! Ironically, despite my pathetic performance that day, by dint of seniority in the team (because I had reached the finals), I was made Boxing Captain of Boake House, while still under 16 years, which is probably a record for the school – although completely undeserved!

I also have to record another discomfiting position that I attained without merit! Although I never went for cricket practice (since I considered it an absolute waste of time), I was always selected as the last man (11th man) for the Boake House Cricket Team, just to run around and save boundaries. But when all the good cricketers were promoted to higher-age teams, this left only my close friend, Mahes Rodrigo (a brilliant cricketer) as captain, and me as Vice-Captain – which made me a regular butt for Mahes’ jokes. Whenever I happened to pass by, he would switch to dramatic mode, declaiming for all (especially me) to hear: ‘What can I do? This b…..r Aru has been made Vice-Captain: he can’t even hold a bat, neither can he bowl! But I can’t sack him from the team, because he is the bloody Vice-Captain!’ And so, it went on and on – but only when I passed by, and only if there was an adequate audience!

In athletics, having won the 440 yards and 880 races, I was awarded athletics colours at an early age, and thus became Athletics Captain of Royal College. I turned to rugger (rugby) too. Although unimpressive in my first year, I became an attacking wing-forward in my final year. Unfortunately, I tore my hamstring soon after the first Bradby Shield (Royal-Trinity) match, in which I scored the only try – the first in the Bradby Shield!

School Boy Adventures

During the War years, especially when school started only at 1 p.m., I would go swimming most mornings in the sea, off Kinross Avenue. At the age of 14, counting myself a good swimmer, I was tempted one day to swim out to the reef and beyond. But once I got beyond the reef, I unexpectedly got a severe cramp that paralyzed my entire leg. I doubled up in pain and went down, down, down. I looked wildly around: nobody was close enough to save me. I resigned myself to my own death. Fortunately, someone had spotted me and had shouted for help. A lifeguard who was on a raft at sea, was just able to reach me in time, to bring me safely to the shore. I was too young, busy and blasé to think about this episode at that time; but I realize now, in my old age, how close I came to dying that day, at the age of fourteen!

When we were in the Sixth Form in Royal College, my two best friends, Ana Seneviratne – who later became IGP – Upali Amarasinghe and I, pooled our money together to buy two war-surplus canoes off the pavement in Pettah. After some practice, we decided to go on an adventure. Starting from the Kirillapone Canal and going via the Bolgoda Lake towards the Kalu Ganga, we decided to find a long disused canal that led to the mighty Kalu Ganga. Although we had only 26 cents between us for those four days, we airily agreed that we could survive on the fish that we would catch and the birds that we would shoot. We ended up with no fish caught: we managed to survive the next three days only by eating lotus seeds and cooked lotus stems. Meanwhile, when swimming, we always kept a weather eye open for Sudu Moona, the man-eating crocodile, which had pulled three persons to their death that very year. Having found the entrance to the Kalu Ganga, we were able to return triumphantly home, with three cents to spare!

In the Cadet Corps

I was a Junior Cadet and then a Senior Cadet, rising to the highest rank in Royal College, as Senior Sergeant of the Cadet Corps in charge of two platoons, making up 60 cadets. I will narrate here only a humorous episode from our annual Cadet Camp in the hills of Diyatalawa. In an inter-collegiate competition, each school was asked to put forward its best Section (part of a platoon) in order to capture a so-called “enemy position” within a given time. I led the 12-man Royal College team. Having camouflaged ourselves with mana grass sticking out of our hair and ears, I sent our two scouts ahead to signal whether the coast was clear for us to advance.

Our scouts went over the top of the hill and we waited for their signal. But we waited…. and waited … and waited, but there was no sign of our scouts. So I sent the next three men (the so-called ‘machine-gun group’) over the hill to signal us to advance. But they too vanished! By this time, absolutely desperate because our time was running out, I gave the signal for the rest of our group to advance. Coming over the top of the hill, we found our lost scouts and machine-gunners hiding in the mana grass in their best camouflage kit, avidly watching a British soldier and a Wren (women from the British Navy) making love in the grass! Our boys, all around 17 years old, had never seen such magic in their lives! By this time, since we had already lost the ‘battle’, the whole team from Royal College ‘surrendered’, so as to better watch the show!

Final Exams and Last Days in School

I passed the Higher School Certificate (HSC) with distinctions in all four subjects, and stood first in the whole country in all three subjects at the University Entrance Examination and was offered the University Entrance Scholarship in each of them: English, History and Government (Pol. Sc.). With that, I come to my last days in Royal College, which ended with the Prize Giving, presided over by the Governor-General, Sir Andrew Caldecott. For me, it was a grand farewell. First, as Senior Sergeant of the Cadet Corps, I had to receive the Governor-General at the gates of the School and accompany him in his inspection of the ranks of the Cadet Corps.

I then had to abandon my rifle and run to the school steps in order to welcome the Governor into the main school, as Head Prefect of the school. Then the Prize Giving started and I had to go repeatedly to the podium to receive my prizes. Since it was war-time, and since I was wearing my Cadet uniform and the Governor-General was wearing his uniform as Commander-in-Chief, I had to walk up the steps, spring smartly to attention, give the military salute and then shake hands with the Governor-General before receiving my prizes. The poor Governor was forced to reciprocate, saluting me each time, followed by shaking my hand before giving each prize to me. When I approached for the last prize, the Governor-General wrung his hand repeatedly in mock pain and dismay, saying: ‘Oh not you again! Please not again!’ I was finally awarded the Dornhorst Prize for the Best All-rounder (the most prestigious prize of all), while the rafters rang with the applause of the whole school.

(*The writer, now aged over 95-years, is one of the last surviving members of the coveted former Ceylon Civil Service which he quit prematurely for a long career with the UN Food and Agriculture Organization)



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

Published

on

BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

Published

on

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

Continue Reading

Features

The perfect victim: How institutions respond

Published

on

Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

Continue Reading

Trending