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SCAM OR INCOMPETENCE?

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By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

The latest controversy to stoke much discussion in both the political arena and the public domain is the purported “sugar scam.” Politicians from both the JVP and SJB have been vociferous in their condemnation, claiming that reducing the Special Commodity Levy (SCL) on sugar was done to benefit a particular trader and that the loss to the state is more than Rs. 15 billion; indeed a substantial amount of money.

In the absence of verifiable data of the trader concerned reflecting his previous sugar import pattern, it is impossible to venture an opinion on the deal – whether it is a scam or a case of serious misjudgment by those vested with the authority to change the SCL on sugar.

What I do know is that politicians do not always tell the whole truth. It does not matter which party is in the opposition or government. In this day and age of electronic and social media, if you tell a lie often enough, it become the truth. Most people will not try to sift the rhetoric from the facts and arrive at a fact-based conclusion.

There is an absence of independent information in our country that the public can access to either confirm or reject a supposition propagated by interested parties. In certain countries, anybody could easily access or obtain records of the monthly quantity of sugar (or any other commodity) imported and by whom. I do not see any issue of confidentiality or trade secrets being compromised by making such information public. In such a scenario, a few independent individuals could confirm to the public whether the trader concerned had increased his import volumes substantially in anticipation of the decrease in the SCL. He could have stored the sugar in a bonded warehouse and cleared the stocks after the SCL was reduced. In that case, we can conclude that the trader had insider information and was a significant beneficiary of the cess reduction. That could indeed be deemed to be a fraud or a scam.

I find that in the last few months, there have been instances of opposition MP’s and others leading the public astray with their comments. The JVP was at the forefront of the campaign that forced the government to cancel the East Container Terminal (ECT) award at the Colombo Port to an Indian, Japanese and Sri Lankan consortium. They, together with trade unions and a section of the Buddhist clergy, claimed that the government was selling off national assets to foreigners.

Despite the investment proposal being a 35-year lease on a build operate transfer (BOT) basis, the ‘sell-off’ allegation was freely made. There is a significant difference between a sale and a lease. In a previous articles, captioned “Why the Government should have honoured the ECT agreement”, published in this newspaper, I set out why I believe the ECT campaign was disingenuous and counterproductive.

Just yesterday (Wednesday), I watched a clip of a JVP MP saying that the government claim that but for the reduction in the SCL to 25 cents, the current retail price of sugar would be about Rs. 170 per kg. This is absolute nonsense. He claimed that the landed cost of sugar in March 2021 was about Rs. 85 per kg and if the previous SCL at Rs. 50 per kg was maintained, then the maximum price should be Rs. 135 per kg and not Rs. 170 per kg. After a pause, he conceded that maybe the importer could keep five rupees per kg as his profit/cost and as such, the maximum price of sugar would be Rs. 140 per kg.

I do not doubt that the MP is unaware of the commercial aspects of a trading transaction. For the benefit of laymen, let me elaborate. Once the sugar is landed, the importer will incur additional costs such as storage, transport and working capital costs and, of course, then keep a profit. It is thereafter sold to a wholesaler who has his costs and profit margin, and after that the retailer who too has his own costs and profit. So, to assume only an additional five rupees per kg post the landed cost is incurred is not accurate and is misleading. Assuming a minimum margin of 5% is kept at each link in this chain, just five rupees per kg over the landed cost and SCL is totally inadequate.

A few weeks ago, the leading spokesman on Economic matters of the SJB, on a television talk show named a leading supermarket chain and claimed that despite the gazetted price of samba rice being Rs. 98 per kg, this particular chain was selling at Rs. 135 per kg. I saw the live program and was shocked. Having worked for the owners of this chain for over two decades, I knew they would not engage in such an act. I contacted some of my former colleagues and checked the claim. I was told the story was wholly untrue. They did not sell samba, and the price quoted by the MP was for keera samba. I encouraged my former colleagues to sue the MP because, in my view, their brand name was tarnished by a wild and incorrect statement. Usually politicians and scribes desist from naming names and say “a well-known supermarket chain etc..” But in this instance the chain was named for whatever reason And an MP who should known better, given his education and stature, made a baseless allegation that has been subsequently retracted.

Before my retirement, I worked as the Chief Financial Officer of a leading carbonated soft drinks manufacturer where sugar was the main raw material . Therefore, I was involved in the decision-making process of procurement and, though not an expert, have a fair idea of how the world sugar market works. We used to purchase a higher grade known as ICUMSA 45, whilst what is sold in the retail market is ICUMSA 150. We used to purchase our sugar primarily through international traders and the price was based on the London futures market. Our contracts were for several months to ensure price stability. However, even then, the SCL was the uncontrollable element.

As I remember, the SCL was reviewed every three months and was either increased, decreased, or maintained as before. The logic was that when the world price of sugar was increasing, the government would reduce the SCL, and when world prices were coming down, the government would increase the SCL. The intention was to maintain a stable retail price.

This policy has its disadvantages in that when world prices reduce, the consumer does not get the benefit. The other side of the coin is that when world prices increase, the consumer is part-protected – a case of “you can’t have your cake and eat it.” A former colleague maintained a 10-year record of SCL revisions and world prices at the time. In most instances, the logic I explained above was followed, but there are a few instances when the reverse did happen!

This same logic is applied to petroleum prices too. When the world oil prices plummeted during the initial wave of Covid-19, the consumer did not benefit. But he’s now being protected as prices rise. This, I think, is not a sound economic policy and is partly the reason why our country is in an economic and financial mess.

I understand that when the government decided to reduce or eliminate the SCL on sugar, the country’s sugar stocks were relatively high. It seems that most traders had purchased excess inventories sufficient for as many as three months from India, the primary supplier of sugar to Sri Lanka. This happened because India usually suspends its export quotas for about three months from the end of September for whatever reason.

So, when the government did decide to reduce the SCL to just 25 cents, the traders were unable to extend the benefit to the consumers immediately as they had significant stocks in hand on which SCL of Rs. 50 per kg had been paid. Obviously, we cannot expect traders to incur a loss by selling below cost. In this scenario, what happens is that there is a shortage in the market with importers, wholesalers and retailers holding stocks.

Sugar was sold at the retail price of Rs. 100 per kg in January 2020. The price increased after April 2020 and with sugar retailed between Rs 130 and Rs. 145 per kg just prior to the reduction of the SCL. In the immediate aftermath, the gazetted price of Rs. 85 per kg was held for a short time only by the privately-owned supermarkets and Sathosa. Supermarkets need to adhere to price controls as they are easily raided and need to avoid negative publicity. However, they will only sell a minimal quantity as losses cannot be borne indefinitely. Invariably, scarcity results and the authorities quietly allow retailers to sell at a higher price. This is when the opposition MP’s shout saying that sugar is not sold at the government mandated price.

I understand that various officials from the Department of Trade, Tariff and Investment Policy, Committee on Cost of Living and the Treasury are involved in the decision-making process when deciding on the merits or otherwise of the revised SCL. They are expected to consider factors such as movement in world prices, impact on government revenue, stocks in hand and cost of living.

In this instance, the authorities do not seem to have done their due diligence in ascertaining the availability of sugar stocks in the market. Had they done so, they would have realized that reducing the SCL on sugar would not benefit the consumer immediately. Substantial stocks cleared at SLC of Rs. 50 per kg was available in the country.

The question is whether the due process was followed, and if not, was it incompetence or ignored to benefit a few? In the absence of verifiable data, I cannot comment. Only an independent commission of inquiry can do so, although we know these are a dime a dozen and nothing much results.

A justifiable question to ask the authorities is why the SCL was not reduced to say Rs. 25 per kg? By reducing it to 25 cents the authorities have nothing to offer the consumer at present when the price of sugar in the world market is increasing. For the record, in July 2016 the Yahapalana government reduced the SCL to 25 cents from Rs. 30 per kg as the sugar prices in the world market increased significantly.

Having worked in the private sector for 25 years, I know successive governments advised by public servants have introduced various economic proposals without thinking through the consequences.

 

 



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Dilemmas of ‘hurting economies’ – the case of Sri Lanka

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Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (right) and Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.

However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’

This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.

Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’

Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.

Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.

There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’

Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.

As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.

This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.

Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.

On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.

It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.

One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.

Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.

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Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands

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(L-R) D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture; Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, K. D. Lal Kantha, Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives at the signing ceremony.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.

The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.

Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.

This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.

“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”

“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.

The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.

A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.

By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.

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War on Iran may hasten unraveling of New World Order

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It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.

When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.

Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.

The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In  Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.

Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.

These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.

Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.

If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”.  Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.

Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.

Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.

Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.

However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.

These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.

by  N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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