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Say no to NEPF! Say no to abolishing free education!

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2 years ago

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A statement by academics of the university system

We are in the midst of an existentially threatening economic crisis. With an ever-increasing debt burden and low economic prospects, we continue to grapple with uncertain economic futures and related social and political distresses. As university teachers, we are concerned about the multiplicity of recent proposals seeking reforms in education that threaten to bring about a sea change in the way education is conceived of in this country: as a social good.

We note with outrage that these reform efforts have been coupled with deliberate measures to weaken and discredit state universities. While the budgetary allocations for state universities have been slashed, the government has violently suppressed any form of protest. Images of protesting students putatively wasting tax payers’ money are in wide circulation in the media. High-ranking politicians repeatedly allege that state universities are producing ‘unemployable graduates’ overlooking the fact that few employment opportunities exist for them. These narratives have convinced sections of the public that the reforms are not only necessary but the only course of action available, despite conclusive proof that similar reforms in other countries, such as the US and UK, have adversely impacted higher education.

The latest proposal is the National Education Policy Framework (NEPF), a cabinet paper that will soon be tabled in parliament addressing reforms in Early Childhood Education, General Education (i.e., primary and secondary schooling) and Tertiary Education. NEPF has not gone through any kind of consultative process, except for an open call for comments to be submitted. The NEPF’s proposals impinge on the two major education sectors: general education (i.e., primary and secondary schooling) and tertiary education, in ways that threaten the very foundations of the Free Education policy that the people of this country hold so dear. While the proposed reforms to school education are also far reaching, this statement highlights some of the changes proposed in tertiary education.

Structure and governance

A new structure called the National Higher Education Commission (NHEC) is to replace the University Grants Commission (UGC). NHEC will bring both state universities and non-state higher education institutes/degree-awarding institutes under a single authority in which the private sector will have a strong presence. There is no evidence in the NEPF of a commitment to expand state support for public education. It clearly specifies however mechanisms to subsidize the private sector, accelerating the diversion of already scarce public resources to for-profit private tertiary education. Indeed, the main thrust of the policy framework appears to be to expand the role of the private sector in higher education by facilitating “participation of non-state partners, including public-private partnerships” (p.28).

Funding of tertiary education

While the government bemoans the low numbers accessing tertiary education (NEPF misleadingly states that only 8.9% gain admission to the universities today), government expenditure on education, as of 2022 World Bank figures, is 1.2% of GDP—the second lowest in the world. The government does not anticipate increasing investment in education except by “the redeployment of existing resources, leveraging of additional resources through partnerships with non-state entities, and private contributions” (p.4).

The NEPF proposes a complete overhaul of the way universities are funded. Financing of state universities will be through three channels: government funding via grants, student contributions via out-of-pocket payments and loans, and self-generated funds of the university. Further, funding of programmes will be based on student enrollment, not as assured line-item based funding in the annual national budget. Universities, both private and public, will be expected to compete for funds and survival.

Access to education

Combined with general education, public tertiary education has historically helped reduce disparities and allowed some to escape poverty in Sri Lanka. Many of the middle class have benefitted from such access. District quotas for some academic programmes and a recognition of the differences in the social circumstances students bring with them to universities have made university education more accessible to students irrespective of gender, class, caste, region, and other signifiers of power and privilege. Through these mechanisms, universities have become integral to the country’s attempt to advance social justice. Furthermore, universities have sustained free health by providing low-cost health professional education.

The new governance structure will allow universities to create their own admission policies and, as they must compete for funds, will likely mean that degrees in fashion at a particular moment, will be key in determining the programmes offered. The types of desired students will also change as universities compete to capture students from urban and upper-middle-class social and educations backgrounds who may already have an advantage in the job market. This problem will be accentuated by plans to attract more “foreign students” for whom the NHEC will streamline visa processes and facilitate employment in Sri Lanka after graduation (p.26).

Other than for students with special needs, the NEPF does not outline any mechanisms to address social inequalities. When funding for education is made the responsibility of students, government contributions will further diminish over time. Ultimately, the astronomical costs associated with university education will mean that the wealthy will have greater access. These conditions will deepen already existing social cleavages.

The consequences of the changes in the policy on tertiary education will be huge. Indeed, free university education as we know it will cease to exist. The lack of an equitable system of education can only further impoverish the masses by denying one of the few avenues for social mobility available to them today. NEPF may not affect upper-middle-class people and urbanites who may have other opportunities for education. Those who wish for social cohesion in the country must understand that phasing out free university education will usher in a new era of tremendous instability.

We must oppose NEPF in no uncertain terms, and make a call for a wide-ranging consultative mechanism before any reforms in education are proposed or undertaken.

SIGNED BY

A. K. David, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

A. M. Navaratna Bandara, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Ahilan Kadirgamar, Univ. of Jaffna

Anurudda Karunarathna, Univ. of Peradeniya

Anuruddha Pradeep Karnasuriya, Univ. of Sri Jayewardenepura

Anushka Kahandagama, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Arjuna Parakrama, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Peradeniya

Aruni Samarakoon, Univ. of Ruhuna

Athulasiri Samarakoon, Open University of Sri Lanka

Asha L. Abeyasekera, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Avanka Fernando, Univ. of Colombo

Ayomi I. Irugalbandara, Open University of Sri Lanka

B. D. R. Prasantha, Univ. of Peradeniya

B. M. H. S. K. Banneheka, Univ. of Peradeniya

Barana Jayawardana, Univ. of Peradeniya

Bhathiya Rathnayake, Univ. of Peradeniya

Chamathka Devasirie Kariyawasam, Univ. of Peradeniya

Camena Guneratne, Open University of Sri Lanka

Chamika A. Silva, Univ. of Peradeniya

Chammika Mallawaarachchi, Univ. of Visual and Performing Arts

Charudaththe B. Illangasinghe, Univ. of Visual & Performing Arts

Chathurika Munasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya

Chinthaka Chandrakumara, Univ. of Colombo

Chrishantha Abeysena, Univ of Kelaniya

Crystal Baines, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Dayapala Thiranagama, formerly Univ. of Kelaniya

Dewmini Amunugama, Univ. of Peradeniya

Dhamma Dissanayake, Univ.of Colombo

Dhanuka Bandara, Univ. of Peradeniya

Dileepa Witharana, Open University of Sri Lanka

Dilrukshi Abeysinghe, Univ.of Colombo

Dilmi Tharaka, Univ. of Peradeniya

Dimagi Pitawala, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Dinuka Wijetunga, Univ.of Colombo

Erandika de Silva, formerly Univ. of Jaffna

A. Janarth, Eastern University, Sri Lanka

F. M. Nawastheen, Open University of Sri Lanka

Farzana Haniffa, Univ. of Colombo

Fazeeha Azmi, Univ. of Peradeniya

G. D. U. P. K. Gamage, Univ. of Peradeniya

Gameela Samarasinghe, Univ. of Colombo

Gananath Obeyesekere, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Ganganee Chandima Samaraweera, Univ. of Ruhuna

Gayani Nawarathna, Univ. of Peradeniya

Gayatri Wijekoon, Univ. of Colombo.

Geethika Dharmasinghe, Univ. of Colombo

Gihan de Chickera, formerly Univ. of Colombo

H. Sriyananda, Emeritus Professor, Open University of Sri Lanka

Harshana Rambukwella, formerly Open University of Sri Lanka

Hasini Lecamwasam, Univ. of Peradeniya

Hasintha Wijesekara, Sabaragamuwa Univ. of Sri Lanka

Hasitha Pathirana, Univ. of Kelaniya

Hiniduma Sunil Senevi, Sabaragamuwa Univ. of Sri Lanka

Ishafa Illiyas, Univ. of Peradeniya

J. Prince Jeyadevan, Univ. of Jaffna

Jayadeva Uyangoda, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Colombo.

Jennifer Edama, Univ. of Peradeniya

Jinasena Hewage, formerly Univ. of Ruhuna

K. K. G. Randula, Univ. of Colombo

K. M. S. Wimalasiri, Univ. of Peradeniya

Kalpa Rajapaksha, Univ. of Peradeniya

Kamal Wasala, Univ. of Moratuwa

Kamani Sylva, Univ. of Peradeniya

Kanchuka Dharmasiri, Univ. of Peradeniya

Kasun Gajasinghe, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Kaushalya Ariyarathne, Univ. of Colombo

Kaushalya Perera, Univ. of Colombo

Kethakie Nagahawatte, Univ. of Colombo

Krishantha Fedricks, Univ. of Colombo

Krishmi Apsara, Univ. of Peradeniya

Kumudu Kusum Kumara, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Lahiruka Madhuwanthi, Univ. of Peradeniya

Liyanage Amarakeerthi, Univ. of Peradeniya

M. A. Nuhman, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

M. M. Alikhan, Univ. of Peradeniya

Madhara Karunarathne, Univ. of Peradeniya

Madhubhashini Disanayaka Ratnayake, Univ. of Sri Jayewardenepura

Maduranga Kalugampitiya, Univ. of Peradeniya

Madushani Randeniya, Univ. of Peradeniya

Mahendran Thiruvarangan, Univ. of Jaffna

Mahim Mendis, Open University of Sri Lanka

Manoj Alawathukotuwa, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ven. Muthukeliyawe Indarathana, Univ. of Peradeniya

N. Gafoordeen, Univ.of Colombo

Nadeesh de Silva, Open University. of Sri Lanka

Neavis Morais, Open University. of Sri Lanka.

N. G. A. Karunathilaka, Univ. of Kelaniya

Nicola Perera, Univ. of Colombo

Nira Wickramasinghe, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri, Univ. of Colombo

Nishani Jayaweera, Univ. of Peradeniya

P. Iyngaran, Univ. of Jaffna

Paba Suraweera, Univ. of Peradeniya

Pamuditha Herath, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Pavithra Ekanayake, Univ. of Peradeniya

Pavithra Jayawardena, Univ. of Colombo

Prabhath Jayasinghe, Univ. of Colombo

Pradeep Peiris, Univ. of Colombo

Priyantha Fonseka, Univ. of Peradeniya

R. T. Gamalath, Univ. of Peradeniya

R. Angammana, Univ. of Peradeniya

Rajan Hoole, formerly Univ. of Jaffna

Rajitha Ranasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ramanie Jayatilaka, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Ramesh Ramasamy, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ramila Usoof, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ramya Kumar, Univ. of Jaffna

Ranjini Obeyesekere, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Rohan Laksiri, Univ. of Ruhuna

Ruhanie Perera, Univ. of Colombo

Rumala Morel, Univ. of Peradeniya

Rupika Rajakaruna, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ruth Surenthiraraj, Univ. of Colombo

S. Sivasegaram, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

S. Arivalzahan, Univ. of Jaffna

Sachini Marasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya

Sahani Situbandara, Univ. of Peradeniya

Samal Vimukthi Hemachandra, Univ. of Colombo

Saman Dharmakeerthi, Univ. of Peradeniya

Saman Pushpakumara, Univ. of Peradeniya

Samudrika Sylva, Univ. of Colombo

Sandaruwan Subasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya

Sarala Emmanuel, Open University of Sri Lanka

Sarath Witharana, Univ. of Kelaniya

Sasanka Perera, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Sasinindu Patabendige, formerly Univ. of Jaffna

Saumya Liyanage, Univ. of Visual and Performing Arts

Savitri Goonsekere, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Colombo

Savitri Kumar, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Peradeniya

Seetha Bandara, Univ. of Kelaniya

Selvaraj Vishvika, Univ. of Peradeniya

Shalini Wijerathna, Univ of Peradeniya

Shamala Kumar, Univ. of Peradeniya

Shanil Wijesinha, Univ. of Colombo

Shashikala Assella, Univ. of Kelaniya

Shirley L. Wijesinghe, Univ. of Kelaniya

Shyamani Hettiarachchi, Univ. of Kelaniya

Siri Hettige, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Colombo

Sirima Gajameragedara, formerly Rajarata Univ. of Sri Lanka

Sithumini Rathnamalala, Univ. of Moratuwa

Sivamohan Sumathy, Univ. of Peradeniya

Sudesh Mantillake, Univ. of Peradeniya

Supoorna Kulatunga, Univ. of Peradeniya

T. Sanathanan, Univ. of Jaffna

Tasneem Hamead, Univ. of Colombo

Thiru Kandiah, formerly Univ. of Peradeniya

Udari Abeyasinghe, Univ. of Peradeniya

Ven. Uduhawara Ananada, Univ. of Colombo

Unnathi Samaraweera, Univ. of Colombo

Upul Abeyrathne, Univ. of Peradeniya

Uwin Ariyarathna, Univ. of Peradeniya

Varuni Ganepola, formerly Univ. of Colombo

Vasanthi Thevanesam, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Peradeniya

Vihanga Perera, Univ. of Peradeniya

Vijaya Kumar, Emeritus Professor, Univ. of Peradeniya

Visakesa Chandrasekaram, Univ. of Colombo

Vivimarie Vanderpoorten, Open University of Sri Lanka

Warshi S. Dandeniya, Univ. of Peradeniya

W. D. N. S. M. Tennakoon, Wayamba Univ. of Sri Lanka

Wijith Rohan Fernando, Univ. of Kelaniya.

W. M. M. P. Hulugalla, Univ. of Peradeniya

W. M. T. P. Ariyaratne, Univ. of Peradeniya

W. T. L. S. Fernando, Sabaragamuwa Univ. of Sri Lanka

Yasas Kulasekara, Univ. of Peradeniya

Yushani Alahakoon, Univ.of Peradeniya


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Bosnian Serb convicted war criminal Ratko Mladic dies

Published

3 hours ago

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2026/08/27

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[file pic ] Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic leaves in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina April 13, 1993 [Aljazeera]

Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic, ⁠who was ⁠serving a life sentence for ‌genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity during the bloody 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, has ⁠died.

Mladic, the so-called “butcher of Bosnia” died at the age of 84, the Serbian state RTS television and the official Bosnian Serb television reported. His death was also confirmed by a UN official speaking to the Reuters news agency.

The reports said that Mladic died in a UN prison hospital in The Hague, Netherlands.

A family member of Mladic confirmed the reports and told the Associated Press that Mladic’s son, Darko Mladic, was on his way to The Hague.

Mladic was convicted of genocide for orchestrating the 1995 massacre of at least ‌8,000 Bosniak men and boys in a UN-designated “safe area” of Bosnia, in Europe’s worst atrocity since World War II.

He spent his last years in jail after he was convicted in 2017 for crimes the tribunal said at the time were “amongst the most heinous known to humankind”.

Former UN rights chief Zeid Ra’ad al Hussein described him as “the epitome of evil” after his conviction.

The former communist officer-turned nationalist warlord, was one of the most notorious figures of the conflict in which more than 100,000 people were killed and more than one million were driven from their homes.

He commanded his troops to “scorch the brains” of the Bosniaks and boasted of being a “Serbian god”.

When the Bosnian war started in 1992, Mladic became the commander of the Bosnian Serb troops and took control of large swaths of the country in an attempt to form a Serb mini-state.

Serbs under Mladic’s control laid siege to the capital, Sarajevo, and other cities and villages, established camps for detained Bosniaks and enemy soldiers, and systematically killed prisoners.

The killings, recognised as a genocide, were the culmination of a war that had ⁠lasted over three years, in which the Mladic pounded the ⁠besieged capital Sarajevo daily with the artillery, tanks, mortars and heavy machine guns of his nationalist Serb army, killing 10,000 people.

The dead from Srebrenica were bulldozed into mass graves over four days in July 1995, some of them dug up and relocated to remote mountains so as to hide evidence of the killings.

The goal, as determined by the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the ⁠former Yugoslavia (ICTY), was “ethnic cleansing” — the forcible expulsion of Bosniaks, Croats and other non-Serbs to clear Bosnian lands for a Greater Serbia.

The tribunal found that Mladic, together with late Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and Bosnian Serb political leader Radovan Karadzic, were part of a criminal conspiracy to implement the plan.

Defiant to the end, Mladic said “I do not recognise this court,” at an ICTY hearing of his case in 2014.

When he was sentenced to life in prison ⁠in 2017 he shouted: “This is all lies, you are all liars!”

[Aljazeera]

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Patali alleges NPP conspiring to put off elections indefinitely

Published

17 hours ago

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2026/08/27

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* Govt. lacks plan to meet IMF targets


By Shamindra Ferdinando

United Republican Front (URF) leader Patali Champika Ranawaka has alleged that the 22nd Amendment is aimed at enabling the National People’s Power (NPP) to perpetuate its rule without conducting elections.

The former Minister was addressing the media at the Flower Road Office of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe on Tuesday (25). Alleging that the Pelawatte-based ‘red junta’ spearheaded the operation to enact the controversial 22nd Amendment, the ex-parliamentarian pointed out that neither President Anura Kumara Dissanayake nor Health and Media Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayathissa, who is also the Cabinet spokesman, never denied declarations made by various members of the NPP parliamentary group that elections wouldn’t be conducted for 10, 20 years.

The President and the Cabinet spokesman never clarified that such declarations were not the position of the government, Ranawaka said. The URF leader pointed out that some NPP/JVP members told those receiving appointments that they would also retire under the same administration.

Addressing the media after former External Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, convenor of the Joint Opposition, said that the government recognised them as the real opposition. Referring to Dr. Jayathissa’s recent claim that they conspired at the residence of Prof. Peiris and challenged them to come on to the streets, ex-lawmaker Ranawaka thanked the Minister for the recognition at the expense of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). The government accepted the challenge posed by them in spite of the main Opposition party, in Parliament, having 40 MPs, the URF Chief said, urging the government to reveal the identities of those who clandestinely led the ruling party.

The former MP said that the country was now aware of their conspiracies during the past six decades. Blaming the government for its inordinate delay in conducting the Provincial Council polls, and the failure to take tangible measures to do away with the executive presidency, as repeatedly promised in the run-up to the national elections in 2024, Ranawaka alleged that the government was busy conspiring to roll back the electoral map. He also alleged that President Dissanayake was leading the operation.

According to Ranawaka the government was keen to postpone elections indefinitely as its members feared to face the law under a different government.

Commenting on the economic situation, Ranawaka explained how under President Wickremesinghe tough measures were taken during the 2022 to 2024 period to stabilise the country with the backing of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “However, the country cannot go on beyond 2027 under the current setup. In terms of the agreement with the IMF, the debt repayment was stopped. However, the country will have to start repayment in 2028,” the ex-MP said, pointing out the country’s reserves were down to USD 6.4 bn.

The ex-MP said the IMF expected Sri Lanka to maintain foreign reserves at USD 6.8 bn and to increase the reserves to USD 12 bn next year. In terms of the IMF’s recommendations, the foreign reserves have to be increased to USD 15 bn by 2028, Ranawaka said, recollecting how former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, at a recent book launch, explained the daunting challenges faced by the country on the economic front.

Ranawaka was referring to Wickremesinghe’s speech at the launch of former Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya’s book launch at the BMICH, where the former President warned of dire consequences if the government failed to adhere to the IMF formula.

The former Minister disputed the government’s much touted claim that corruption was dealt with. The person who caused an unprecedented gas crisis, in 2021, by promising to supply gas at a much lower price than what was paid by the then government at that time and ended up causing countrywide panic due to “accidental” blasts of domestic gas cylinders, received protection from this government.

The government conveniently refrained from initiating action against that person, Ranawaka said. Referring to the developments leading to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government declaration of bankruptcy in April 2022, the ex-Minister claimed that the IMF, in a letter dated 7 March, 2022, alerted the Secretary to the President, the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank, of the impending economic collapse. The NPP government failed to take action against those responsible for creating the 2022 crisis, Ranawaka said.

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August 15 Super Dvora tragedy: Search continues for missing officer’s body

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17 hours ago

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2026/08/27

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Super Dvora Mark III Fast Attack Craft

Navy headquarters yesterday said it was continuing the search for Lt. Thilina Udayapriya, second-in-command of the Super Dvora Mark III Fast Attack Craft (FAC), which sank in the seas off Angulana, on 15 August, 2026. Of the 12-member crew, 11 were rescued but so far SLN efforts to locate the missing officer’s body had failed, sources said.

They said that the salvage operation of the sunken craft, taken delivery from Israel after the end of the war, is continuing amidst gruelling weather and rough sea conditions, and the sunken vessel is now off Bambalapitiya.

Sources said that the vessel collided with a sunken ship MV Thermopylae Sierra that sank in August 2012, during a monsoon storm. The ill-fated Super Dvora Mk III has gone over the ship wreck in spite of it being clearly demarcated in the nautical chart, aka hydrographic chart available to the ill-fated vessel’s crew. But authorities had failed to mark the site with a buoy to warn maritime traffic, in spite of public appeals. (SF)

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