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Editorial

Sacking PM and other matters

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Tuesday 13th, September, 2022

Sri Lanka’s Constitution is like a poor man’s innerwear; it is full of holes. There has emerged so much opposition to the executive presidency mainly because the Constitution allows the President to push the envelope, undermining the other branches of government and suppressing democracy. The incumbent government has undertaken to introduce the 22nd constitutional Amendment, which, it says, will help curtail some excessive powers of the President and strengthen the legislature and other state institutions. But legal experts have pointed out that the President’s power to remove the Prime Minister arbitrarily will remain intact. Dr. Jayampahty Wickramaratne, PC, has, in his article published on this page today, put forth a cogent argument for stripping the presidency of this draconian power.

One cannot but agree that the President’s power to sack the Prime Minister according to his or her whims and fancies is antithetical to the people’s franchise and democracy. If the constitutional provision that enables the President to do so is retained it will have the same effect as the Sword of Damocles on the Prime Minister. There is also the danger of the President plunging the country into chaos by recklessly exercising that power, as Dr. Wickramaratne has pointed out, citing, as an example, President Maithripala Sirisena’s abortive attempt to sack Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2018.

The Prime Minister, however, cannot frustrate an attempt by the President to sack him or her when the latter happens to be the leader of the ruling party. A President who controls the party in power can leverage his or her position to prevent the government MPs from rallying behind the Prime Minister.

There are also other serious constitutional flaws where the powers of the President and the Prime Minister are concerned. When the President and the PM happen to represent two different political parties, the latter becomes more powerful than the former, to all intents and purposes. Consensual governance being something alien to this country, they also tend to clash bringing the legislature and the executive on a collision course, as we saw between 2001 and 2004, when President Chandrika Kumaratunga (SLFP) and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP) were at each other’s jugular. A similar situation arose when the political marriage of convenience between President Sirisena’s SLFP and the UNP came to an end in 2018; Sirisena tried to sack Wickremesinghe (UNP), albeit without success. The government became so dysfunctional due to their clashes that national security was neglected, and about 270 precious lives were lost in terrorist attacks the following year.

Meanwhile, what we witnessed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency has brought to light another constitutional flaw. The presidential system ceases to work properly even in a situation where the President represents the party with a parliamentary majority but is not its leader. It is not only his or her executive powers that make the President strong; his or her strength is also derived from his or her ability to control the ruling party. This is why the constitutions of the UNP and the SLFP provide for the appointment of the person who secures the executive presidency as the party leader. This arrangement enabled Presidents J.R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa, D. B. Wijetunga, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa to control their parties. Sirisena, who became the President with the help of the UNP wrested control of the SLFP in 2015. Gotabaya’s failure as the President was also due to the fact that he was not the leader of the SLPP; the government parliamentary group therefore did not fully cooperate with him, and Basil Rajapaksa, who controls the party, became more powerful than the President. Not even the then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa dared antagonise Basil. At present, President Wickremesinghe may be constitutionally empowered to sack Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, but both of them are at the mercy of the SLPP, which is under Basil’s thumb. The current PM will be safe as long as he is in the good books of Basil.

Similarly, the Constitution has to be amended to prevent political party leaders from abusing the National List (NL) to appoint as MPs persons other than those whose names are presented to the people as NL candidates before an election. They make a mockery of the people’s franchise when they bring in defeated candidates as NL MPs, and engineer NL vacancies to appoint persons of their choice to Parliament. The constitutional provision that enables unsuccessful candidates to claw their way into Parliament and go on to secure ministerial positions, the premiership and even the presidency has to be abolished forthwith.



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Editorial

Endless probes and conspiracies

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Tuesday 22nd April, 2025

The sixth anniversary of the Easter Sunday carnage has passed, yet the government has failed to fulfil its pledge to make an earth-shattering revelation about the masterminds behind it. Instead, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has handed over to the CID all volumes of the final report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that probed the 2019 terror attacks.

The PCoI has not recommended that its complete report be handed over to the CID. It has requested the President to send ‘a complete set of the report to the Attorney General to consider institution of criminal proceedings against persons alleged to have committed the said offences’.

Interestingly, the PCoI report the President has sent to the CID contains some key findings that run counter to the government’s contention that there was a political conspiracy behind the carnage. The report says in Chapter 32: “The original plan of Zahran was to attack the Kandy Perahera. But it was advanced due to the recovery of explosives from Wanathawilluwa and international factors. IS was losing ground in Syria and Iraq and called on its faithful to launch attacks. He was also concerned that the law enforcement authorities may apprehend him soon” (p. 467).

There is a vital document that President Dissanayake should hand over to the CID. It is the report of the Imam Committee, which probed the allegations made in a Channel 4 programme, ‘Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday bombings – Dispatches’, telecast on 5 Sept., 2023. That presidential committee comprising former Judge of the Supreme Court S. I. Imam (Chairman), former Commander of the Sri Lanka Air Force Air Chief Marshal Jayalath Weerakkody and President’s Counsel Harsha A. J. Soza, has debunked a much-publicised claim by a person named Azad Moulana that there was a link between Sri Lanka’s military intelligence and Zahran’s terror group.

Some critical aspects of the Easter Sunday terror attacks have not been investigated thoroughly. One may recall that three months after the tragedy, Archbishop of Colombo Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, reportedly said, at St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, that the terror attacks had been part of an ‘international conspiracy’. Media reports also said he had lashed out at President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe for lacking the courage to resist the foreign conspiracy to destabilise Sri Lanka. As we pointed out yesterday, he is one of the key witnesses who said in their testimonies before the PCoI that probed the Easter Sunday carnage that there had been a foreign hand/conspiracy behind the terror attacks.

Meanwhile, in a leaked audio clip of what is described as a telephone conversation between Deputy Minister Rajan Ramanayake and SSP Shani Abeysekera, during the Yahapalana government, about the Easter Sunday terror attacks, the latter is heard telling the former something in Sinhala to the effect that Mohamed Ibrahim, a wealthy businessman who was a JVP’s National List nominee for the 2015 general election, cannot be so stupid as not to have known what his two sons, who carried out suicide bomb attacks on 21 April 2019, had been doing. If this audio recording is not fake, the CID should go by Abeysekera’s contention, and interrogate Ibrahim again as part of their efforts to identify the terror masterminds. One may recall that when Ishara Sewwandi, a female accomplice of the gunman who killed underworld leader Ganemulle Sanjeewa in a courtroom at Hulftsdorp, went into hiding, the police arrested and grilled her mother and brother. The question is whether the NPP will allow its former National List candidate to be interrogated.

The government and the CID must peruse all reports on the Easter Sunday terror attacks thoroughly, keep an open mind and follow evidence wherever it leads if the integrity of the ongoing probe is not to be undermined. Politically motivated timeframes must not be imposed on criminal investigations.

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Editorial

Easter Sunday carnage probe: More questions than answers

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Monday 21st April, 2025

The sixth anniversary of the Easter Sunday terror attacks, which claimed about 270 lives and left more than 500 persons injured, falls today. Those who have lost their near and dear ones in the tragedy are still crying out for justice. There have been four Presidents and three governments since the savage terror attacks, yet the search for the masterminds behind them is still ongoing.

A few weeks ago, the incumbent NPP government had the public believe that it would reveal something earth-shattering about the terror masterminds soon, but it is now humming a different tune. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has reportedly handed over the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that probed the Easter Sunday terror attacks to the CID. We thought the CID had received it much earlier!

There have been more questions than answers regarding the Easter Sunday terror attacks, with a host of claims, counterclaims, about-turns, conspiracy theories, and above all, partisan politics complicating both the investigative process and the quest for justice.

There are two main schools of thought in respect of the Easter Sunday carnage. One insists that the National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ), which carried out the bombings, was used by some politicians and intelligence bigwigs loyal to them to achieve a political goal whereas the other claims that the NTJ led by Zahran Hashim unleashed terror at the behest of the ISIS. The proponents of the first school of thought have been influenced by a call made by a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) that probed the Easter Sunday carnage, in 2019, for further investigations to ascertain whether there had been an attempt ‘to create and instil fear and uncertainty in the country in the lead-up to the presidential election to be held later in the year’. Their opponents have offered a different narrative.

On 19 May 2021, the then Minister of Public Security Sarath Weerasekra told Parliament that the US Federal Bureau of Investigation had confirmed that Moulavi Mohamed Ibrahim Mohamad Naufer was the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks. He said so in response to a statement made by Attorney General Dappula De Livera the previous day that there had been ‘a grand conspiracy’ behind the terror attacks.

Maithripala Sirisena, who was the President at the time of the Easter Sunday bombings in 2019, has said that he conveyed some vital information about the tragedy to the government. He has refused to reveal it to the public, and the government has chosen to remain silent on his claim. BBS General Secretary Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera has said he knows who the Easter Sunday terror mastermind is, but he will divulge that information only to the President and the Defence Secretary. When Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, who was a member of the PSC that probed the Eastern Sunday carnage in 2019, was in the Opposition, he told BBC that according to ‘investigative evidence’ he was privy to, India had been behind the terror attacks. He is now the Cabinet Spokesman. It will be interesting to know the other government leaders’ position on his allegation. Curiously, the CID has not recorded a statement from him on his very serious claim.

Meanwhile, the aforesaid PCoI report contains a Chapter on evidence given by eleven prominent persons, who categorically stated they believed that there had been a foreign hand or conspiracy behind the Easter Sunday carnage. Those witnesses are Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, former President Sirisena, former Minister Rauff Hakeem, former Minister Rishad Bathiudeen, former Governor Azath Salley, SJB MP Mujibur Rahman, former SIS Director SDIG Nilantha Jayawardena, former STF Commandant M. R. Latiff, former Chief of Defence Staff Ravindra Wijegunaratne, former SDIG CID Ravi Seneviratne and former CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekera. Claiming that their statements were mere ipse dixits (assertions made but not proven), the PCoI report has said that no such foreign link was found (p. 472). The Commission should have dug deeper before arriving at such a conclusion. It has, however, recommended that certain identified parties be further investigated. This has not been done. Some of the aforementioned witnesses have since made public statements that contradict their testimonies before the PCoI, and they owe the public an explanation.

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Editorial

Of that warning

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake continues to draw heavy flak from the Opposition for repeatedly declaring, at the NPP’s Local Government (LG) election rallies, that he will readily approve financial allocations for the local councils to be won by the NPP and others will face difficulties in obtaining funds as the political rivals of the NPP cannot be considered clean. The Opposition and some election monitors have taken exception to what can be considered a warning issued by President Dissanayake, and brought it to the notice of the Election Commission (EC).

The Government Information Department has denied a media report that the EC issued a letter pertaining President Dissanayake’s aforesaid statement. This is a strange state of affairs in the run-up to a crucial election, where the stakes of the ruling NPP are much higher than those of its rivals.

It is clear to any intelligent person that President Dissanayake is leveraging his position as the Finance Minister in a bid to influence the outcome of the upcoming LG polls. The message he has conveyed to the electorate is loud and clear; the local government institutions will be at his mercy and therefore it is prudent for the public to vote for the NPP and ensure the smooth functioning local councils. The EC ought to take the presidential statement in question seriously and take appropriate action.

It behoves the EC to refrain from acting like the three proverbial monkeys—refusing to hear, speak and see evil—in respect of the presidential statements that have the potential to influence the outcome of the upcoming polls. It has to act in response to the Opposition’s complaints promptly.

If the EC has not reacted to the controversial presidential statement in question, as the Government Information Department has reportedly claimed, it should make its position known to the public without further delay lest its silence should be considered a sign of subservience or partiality to the ruling coalition led by President Dissanayake. It is duty-bound to ensure a level playing field for all political parties and independent groups in the fray. The government must not be allowed to bulldoze its way through at the expense of its political rivals.

The EC should not consider President Dissanayake’s warning at issue as mere campaign rhetoric, for there have been instances where contempt-of-court charges were pressed against some politicians over their political speeches. The imprisonment of S. B. Dissanayake over a derogatory statement he made about the Supreme Court, at a Vap Magul ceremony in Habaraduwa in November 2003 is a case in point.

The Opposition’s reaction to the President’s warning that he will impose restrictions on fund allocations for the local councils to be won by parties other than the NPP has been lukewarm. In fact, the Opposition does not flog any issue hard enough to shape public opinion. It has not even been able to highlight what the Batalanda Commission report says about the JVP’s violent past. The green-channelling of 323 red-flagged freight containers has been forgotten. The Opposition has claimed in Parliament that a member of the incumbent Cabinet was interdicted over a fraud while he was serving in the State Fertilizer Corporation, but it has baulked at naming the person concerned and demanding his resignation from the Cabinet.

The government has been able to distract the Opposition, which has also stopped short of cranking up pressure on the EC to take up the President’s aforesaid warning. The Opposition has not pointed out that the Colombo Municipal Council under UNP control survived several SLFP-led governments including those with two-thirds majorities under President Mahinda Rajapaksa and President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Leader of the House and Minister Bimal Ratnayake was spot on when he told Parliament recently that there was no bigger asset to the NPP government than the current Opposition, whose bark was worse than its bite. Nothing can be a graver threat to democracy than the aggressiveness of a powerful government as well as the meekness of the Opposition and the so-called independent commissions.

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