Opinion

Russia and Sri Lanka: Two opposites

Published

4 years ago

2022/06/1

Russian tourists in Sri Lanka

Many Russian tourists come to Sri Lanka for a holiday break. They come to rest their weary eyes, and taste the oriental cuisine and enjoy the views of unspoiled nature found in Sri Lanka – welcome! It is not possible to find two countries so different on the face of the earth. In many ways, we are remarkable opposites, yet we are both multi-ethnic democratic republics with great literature and cultural traditions. The peoples of both countries are open minded with democratic thinking; justice and fair-play are high on our list of priorities. The Russians are mostly Orthodox Christians but have in their Federation three states which are Buddhist. Sri Lanka is opposite – mostly Buddhist with a few Christians, too.

But the geographic and climate opposites found in our two countries are stark and marked. These affect greatly how we live, our way of life, our culture, our history, our agriculture, and prosperity.

Because Russia is located in the north of Asia, and stretches across nine time zones, and stretches northwards into the Arctic Circle, it is the largest country in the world! It has long winters and short summers. These long winters have a big influence on both economic and social activities of Russians. It means that the agricultural growing season is short, and winters are long and cold.

In contrast, Sri Lanka is an island, a thousand times smaller and is located close to the equator, and it is warm most of the year and sometimes quite hot. Because of its warm position, the food growing season lasts for most of the year, whereas Russia’s growing season starts late in spring, and harvesting in October with cold and snow arriving in November, giving perhaps only a five-month growing season at most.

Sri Lanka is surrounded by warm sea, and has deep sea ports on the North, South and West. In the past, sea-born invaders could be repelled. The sea acts as a moat – a barrier which prevents raiders and robbers from entering easily, they must have seaworthy ships, manned by men with navigating and sea-faring experience.

Russia’s land borders are long, and any army can enter and rob, but it would take several million soldiers to fully occupy it and conquer it.

Sadly, Russia’s history is, indeed, one of being attacked from all sides over the centuries, so Russians have been obliged to be militarily strong. Historically, the Swedes, Napoleon and Hitler invaded it from Europe and Mongols from the East, so the Russians have been involved in many desperate struggles for survival. The last century has been very painful with great tumult and loss of life, the invasion by Hitler alone, cost 27 million Soviet Union deaths to drive him back to Berlin, so now Russians seek peace and stability. The population currently is said to be around 175 million people.

Russia lacks all-the-year-round, ice-free sea access. It is a problem for them. It has great long coast lines – but they are frozen for most of the year with no ice-free ports for cargo ships (or war ships!) to use all the year round. They are cut off from the Atlantic by Denmark who controls the passage of boats, and in the East, boats sailing from Vladivostok are blocked by the Sea of Japan. They have a shallow port in the Crimea but there, they have to go through the Dardanelles controlled by Turkey. Their all-season sea access is controlled by others!

The way our two peoples lead our lives is very different. Sri Lankans can go out freely, in good weather; children play cricket all year long; only waterproofs are needed for Sri Lankans. For Russians, on the other hand, it can be warm in mid-summer and fashionable light warm clothing is possible, but in autumn and winter it is necessary to go out wearing thick warm clothes. In deep winter time temperatures may fall to around minus 30o C, or more (even down to – 55oC). These are dangerously low temperatures with the danger of frostbite: ears and nose alert! It causes people to cough when breathing this cold air and is known to cause heart attacks, as in the case of Venerable Soma, Thera.

Every New Year’s Eve, at midnight, in Moscow, President Putin addresses all Russians on TV. You will see him, bare-headed in a strong coat, speaking his good, wise words just before the bells of the Spassky Tower Clock start chiming for the coming New Year – in the freezing midnight cold!

Long cold, dark nights and dark cold winter days, with grey skies – for seven or eight months – have consequences. All homes must have some form of heating.

Because there are great forests, most houses in the countryside are made of wood and kept warm by heating with wood or oil-fired stoves. In every room there are metal radiators connected by pipes to the heating stove. Every autumn these stoves and pipes are carefully inspected to ensure a warm winter with no accidents! This is the time wolves howl in the Taiga (mountains and forests) and come close to the villages, looking for food!

Towns and cities have great blocks of housing perhaps of twelve stories high, which is illogical for such a large, spacious country. The reason is that because of the cold, it is easier to keep warm in centrally heated housing blocks.

Russians are confined to their homes, village halls and churches for long periods of the year and their choice of activities is limited. Village people use village halls to make music and dance and sing. All Russians read a lot, sing, play music and they study; in fact, most are cultured and well educated.

Russia literature is famous for its many writers. They are highly respected worldwide by educated people. In the Soviet era, men confined to the Gulag camps wrote great literature for the benefit of the whole world. There have been world famous Russian music composers, pianists, musicians, ballet dancers, gymnasts and so on. Mendeleev was the first man to figure out how chemical elements, metals and gases are atomically connected and come together to make the Periodic Table used in Chemistry throughout the world today.

In Russian cities, there is more scope for relaxing activities; there are choirs, and groups of people come together to play instruments and make music. All the children know the many traditional songs by-heart. Concerts are held and they sing them to piano accompaniment or other instruments. Nowadays, electric music bands hold concerts and young singers display their talent by singing modern songs. American songs are much liked and played.

Thanks to their Communist past, the major cities have saunas, trampolines and gymnasiums where Russians come to exercise and work-out during the long winter days. Russian gymnasts and ballerinas are another aspect of this active, resourceful nation. There are some 30 “Rhythmic Gymnastics Schools” in towns across the country where young children enter rhythmic gymnastics classes.

They are trained to move elegantly, bend, stretch and spin round, and follow routines with hoops, balls, ribbons and skipping ropes in gymnastics, to music. Clubs and Schools hold keenly fought competitions, each town enters its own team and the best gymnasts gain certificates! Older champions get Gold Medals! Needless to say, this is an immensely healthy activity for those stuck indoors for up to nine months each year. The unspoken benefit is that they keep their fitness, youth and shape well into middle age. Such children are considered ‘little treasures’.

All the cities have the internet and it is widely used. People order food from shops by E-Mail and it is delivered to them without them going out!

In the summertime, things are different. People spend as much time outdoors as possible. In the big towns the pedestrian areas are clean and flat and older children use motorized foot scooters to tour round seeing the town squares, rivers and bridges.

Young women will dress up to look attractive and walk around the centre of their town to enjoy the warm afternoon and precious sunlight! People walk their dogs. Almost no-one speaks Sinhala, but a few can speak English, and may practice it with visitors. It is a great time to talk, meet old friends and socialise generally.

Because of Russia’s enormous size, in the past roads were rough, muddy and hardly useable, forming a barrier to society. But over the years the government has developed a huge network of railways connecting all the cities, factories and mines. They are punctual, clean and efficient. They have even built links to all the neighbouring countries capital cities; going to Belarus, Kazakhstan, Latvia, China, etc. You can travel 8,000 kilometers from Moscow to Beijing by railway. The cities west of the Ural Mountains, close to Europe, are now fully electrified with fast connections. The rest of the country is served by unglamorous but functional diesel electric-driven engines. Because of its long history of rail development, Russia possesses an enormous collection of old steam engines many of which are still kept in working order.

Russians mark important historical anniversaries such as the driving out and defeat of Nazi Germany, by holding impressive military parades in Red Square on May 9th every year, and they also hold musical concerts where old rousing, war-time songs are sung. They parade out a few of their old steam engines on these occasions, too, because steam engines played such an important role in winning World War II. Every May 9th some old engines are ‘steamed up’ for show. Russia is proud of its collection of steam engines of all types and sizes. It has its tank (small) steam engines for shunting trucks around, and it still has its huge cross continental steam engines in working order. These are great giants of steel, which can travel the vast distances across the country pulling twelve or more coaches filled with tired engineers and foreign tourists. See these great dragons in winter, giving off vast amounts of smoke and steam as they charge through countless miles of tunnels of snow covered trees, forests of dark trunks and branches and tops all decorated with white, frozen snow and ice!

Now, these engines are kept immaculate with shiny black paint, trimmed with red-painted wheels, clanking con-rods, with front lights and a red star. The displays of old engines are held on electrified track, where they chuff! chuff! chuff! along, displaying their great power! It gives one a thrill to see them, steamed-up hot, defiantly powerful in the snow-covered countryside and icy-cold weather.

Russia is all about how its brave, strong people have overcome their problems – they are survivors! Welcome Russian Tourists!

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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

Published

3 days ago

2026/04/9

Sahan Weerasooriya

A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

Published

4 days ago

2026/04/8

Sahan Weerasooriya

130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

Published

5 days ago

2026/04/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·

· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·

· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)