Features
Remembering Krishanthi and the return of Chemmani
In the universe of human rights, Sri Lanka has become notable for two dubious records. For disappearances of people stretching over several decades, Sri Lanka is in the top tier of countries. It is easily a world leader when it comes to commissions of inquiry that successive governments have appointed to investigate various instances of human rights violations, including commissions that are appointed to summarize the work of preceding commissions. Nothing conclusive has flowed out of these commissions and there have not been any significant breakthroughs in knowing about the circumstances and plights of the disappeared.
The recent revelations in Chemmani, Jaffna, have brought into relief another related source of distress, namely, the mass graves that are scattered across the country and rarely get official attention unless they are accidentally disturbed. The Chemmani mass grave was the first to create national and international concern and itself came to light during the trial of Lance Corporal Somaratna Rajapaksa and three others for the 1996 gang rape and murder of 18-year-old A’Level student Krishanthi Kumaraswamy, and the murder of her school principal mother, brother and their family neighbour.
This was in 1996, when the young girl was stopped at an army checkpoint near their home in Kaithady, while returning from school after her A’Level Chemistry exam. The other three went to the checkpoint to inquire and were killed as well. Following a public outcry, the perpetrators of the crimes and accomplices in disposing of the bodies of the victims were arrested and indicted. Eight soldiers including Rajapaksa and one policeman were put on trial at the Colombo High Court on 18 November 1996, and all nine were found guilty on 3 July 1998. Six of the accused, including Somaratne Rajapaksa, were sentenced to death and the remaining three were sentenced to 20 years imprisonment. That was not the end of it.
Chemmani Mass Graves
After his conviction, Somaratne Rajapaksa issued a statement claiming that he was innocent and that he was aware of widespread detention, torture and killing of civilians by the army in Jaffna over several months in 1995-1996. The dead were buried daily in the cremation site in Chemmani, south of Nallur. Rajapaksa claimed that 300 to 400 bodies (were) buried in Chemmani almost every evening by soldiers following orders. On 16 June 1999, Rajapaksa was brought to the Magistrate’s Court in Jaffna, where he made a formal statement repeating his earlier allegations and claiming that he and other soldiers were only carrying out the orders of senior officers, and he went on to name them as allegedly involved in the torture and murder of civilians. Rajapaksa further claimed that he and his co-accused could identify 16 burial sites and he reportedly identified one of the burial sites.
Internationally observed excavations were conducted in 1999 leading to the discovery of 15 bodies, and the indictment of seven military personnel. The investigations petered out to conclude that there were no further bodies to be found at Chemanni. Twenty five years later, in June 2025, construction excavation work for a crematorium at Chemmani unearthed the potential remains of an infant, and resurrected Chemmani’s forgotten mass graves. Court-ordered excavations have since been conducted and by mid-August, more than 140 human skeletons, including those of children and babies, have been uncovered.
The excavations in Chemmani have disturbed old wounds and also created a new public interest in the matter. Human Rights activists are reengaging themselves to addressing a buried past and the present NPP government appears to be responding positively. A book, titled ‘Chemmani’, written in Sinhala by Tharindu Jayawardhana, MFM Fazeer and Tharindu Uduwaragedara, was spiritedly launched before a packed audience at the National Library auditorium in Colombo on Wednesday, August 14. A panel discussion on the matter is scheduled for Thursday, August 21, at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies in Colombo.
The critics of the government keep harping on it being slow and inert in fulfilling the NPP’s promises on human rights, justice, accountability and reforms. However, they conveniently forget that this government, although tentative in its public communications as a government (quite different from its campaigning prowess in elections), is quite a change for the better in comparison to previous governments in the matter of human rights. Just as it has shown itself to be relatively incorruptible in governance, the NPP government is also not an abuser of human rights unlike its predecessors. Cleaning up the legacy mistakes of the past could be a separate Clean Sri Lanka project on its own.
Specific to Chemmani, the anecdotal vibes from Jaffna are that people on the excavation ground find the NPP government to be trustworthy in contrast to its predecessors. It has significantly relaxed the tight controls and regulations that stifled people’s efforts to memorialize the past and its victims. The ethos of celebratory denial that was a feature of the Rajapaksa yugaya does not define either the attitude or the actions of the NPP government. The yahapalanaya interregnum was notorious for its loquacious tall talk and total lack of action. This government is palpably different.
Since the Chemmani news story broke in June, there has been no expression of concern or empathy from almost all of our past presidents. The Rajapakasas might be preoccupied with protecting their endangered post-presidential entitlements. Ranil Wickremesinghe and Maithripala Sirisena may be busy petitioning the Supreme Court to protect the very same entitlements. RW is also reportedly fomenting a united front to harass NPP local bodies without an NPP majority. Only Chandrika Kumaratunga is reportedly showing some interest in reengaging with human rights activists who want a sincere and effective response from the government.
Where to Begin?
The growing public interest is not only focused on securing justice for Chemmani but also extending it to revisit the other, more than two dozen, mass graves scattered throughout the country – North and South. Disappearances are another concern and numbering between 60,000 and 100,000 between 1983 and 2009, in estimates that are cited by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ). According to the ICJ, the many government appointed commissions “have prioritized reconciliation over while providing a limited focus on accountability.” Victims and their families have been denied their right to information and access to justice, not to mention physical and emotional remedies and reparations.
What is inexplicable is the failure to build on the very exemplary and successful prosecution of Somaratna Rajapaksa and the other accused and their 1998 convictions, and investigate the mass killings that Rajapaksa publicly alleged had taken in Jaffna. In his many statements, Rajapaksa is said to have named names of officers who allegedly oversaw the mass atrocities, killings and burials of hundreds of civilians in Jaffna, during the months of 1995 and 1996.
Yet, there would seem to have been not even internal inquiries to test the veracity of Rajapaksa’s allegations. Instead, Rajapaksa in jail, and his family outside, were threatened and ordered to keep their mouths shut. Rajapaksa himself was officially denigrated as a rapist and a murderer and his allegations were dismissed as self-serving and sensational untruths. The new excavations in Chemmani are giving the lie to the culture of denial that has defined government responses to mass atrocities for a full three decades.
What is remarkably sad is the dichotomy in the official approach between vigorously prosecuting Somaratna Rajapaksa for rape and murder, on the one hand, while dismissing his broader allegations as baseless lies, on the other. This selective reckoning, on the one hand, and broad brush denial on the other has been the story of government responses to mass atrocities in Sri Lanka. The NPP government has a tough task on its hands as it tries to overcome this entrenched tradition and chart a new path.
Although a new path now, it should not be forgotten that it had been tried before successfully in bringing justice to Krishanthi Kumaraswamy, her mother, brother and their neighbour. The ingredients of that success were laid out by Prashanthi Mahindaratne, the chief prosecutor in the case, in an interview she gave to Chulani Kodikara in 2017. There was positive insistence for due process to be followed by then President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
The military police commander in Jaffna was convinced that the military should co-operate and he made available to the prosecutors the highly accurate and regimented record keeping of the army. Who was where, when and for what was all on record for every soldier. Lastly, as Ms. Mahindaratne poignantly observed, the case demonstrated that it was possible to conclusively go through the trial even though the “victims were Tamil; accused were Sinhalese and members of the military; judges were Sinhalese; soldiers were Sinhalese; prosecutors were Sinhalese.”
by Rajan Philips ✍️
Features
Silence of the majority keeps West Asian conflict raging
With no military quick-fix in sight to the ongoing, convoluted West Asian conflict it ought to be clear to the rationally inclined that there is no other way to a solution to the blood-letting other than through a negotiated one. Unfortunately, there are not many takers the world over for such an approach.
Consequently the war rages on incurring the gravest human costs to all relevant sides. Whereas it should be obvious to the Trump administration that Iran wouldn’t be backing down any time soon from its position of taking on the US frontally and with the required military competence in the Hormuz Strait and adjacent regions, the US demonstrates a stubbornness to persist with war strategies that are showing no quick, positive results on the ground.
Clearly, the virtual ‘lock down within a lock down’ situation in the Strait is not proving beneficial for either party. Instead, the spilling of civilian blood in particular continues with unsettling regularity along with an all-encompassing economic crisis that carries a staggering material toll for ordinary people all over the world.
From this viewpoint it is commendable for Pakistan to offer itself as a peace mediator and go ‘the extra mile’ to keep the principal parties engaged in some sort of negotiatory process. But its efforts need to win greater support from the world community. It is a time for peace-makers the world over to stand up and be counted.
It is also a time for straight-talking. To his glowing credit Pope Leo XIV is doing just that and he is the only religious head worldwide to do so. Very rightly he has called on President Trump to end the war through negotiations and described it as ‘unjust’ and ‘a scandal to humanity’.
May this crucial cause be taken up by more and more world leaders, is this columnist’s wish. Instead of speaking fatalistically about a ‘Third World War’, decision and policy makers and commentators, and these are found in plenty in Sri Lanka as well, would do better to help in drumming-up support for a peaceful solution and the latter is within the realms of the possible.
Incidentally, the commonplace definition of the phrase ‘World War’ is quite contentious and it would be premature to speak forebodingly about one right now. The fissures within the West on the Middle East conflict alone rule out the possibility of a ‘World War’ occurring any time soon.
Instead, it would be preferable for the international community, under the aegis of the UN, to take the ‘straight and narrow’ path to a peaceful solution. As implied, this path is no easy avenue; it is cluttered with obstacles that only doughty peace makers could take on and clear.
However, the path to a negotiated peace is worth taking and no less a power than the US should know this. After all, the US ‘bled white’ in Vietnam and had to bow out of the conflict, realizing the futility of pursuing a military solution. A similar lesson should have been learned by Russia which bled futilely in Afghanistan. It too is in an unwinnable situation in Ukraine.
The Pope’s observations to President Trump on negotiating peace have earned for him some snarls and growls of criticism but with time these critics would realize that peace could come only by peaceful means and not through ‘the barrel of a gun.’
For far too long the ‘silent majority’ of the world has allowed politicians to take the sole initiative on working towards peaceful solutions to conflicts and wars. As could be seen, the results have been disastrous. The majority of politicians speak the language of Realpolitik only and this tendency runs contrary to the ways of the selfless peace maker.
Power, which is the essence of Realpolitik, and peace are generally at loggerheads in the real world. Power and self-aggrandizement have to be shelved in the pursuit of durable peace anywhere and it is a pity that the likes of Donald Trump and his team are yet to realize this.
At this juncture the ‘peace constituency’ or the silent majority would need to take centre stage and play their rightful role as the ‘Conscience of the World’. If the latter begins to take on the cause of peace in earnest everywhere, the politicians would have no choice but to pay heed to their cause and take it up, since a contrary course would earn for them public displeasure and votes.
An immediate challenge would be for the ‘peace constituency’ to come together and act as one. Right now, such a coordinating role could be played effectively by only the UN and its agencies. Practical problems are likely to get in the way but these need to be managed insightfully and resourcefully by all stakeholders to peace.
In fact the time couldn’t be more appropriate for the backers of peace to come together and work as one. Right now, economic pressures are increasing worldwide and no less a public than that in the US is beginning to feel them in a major, crushing way.
Going ahead the US public, along with other polities, would find the economic consequences of war to be intolerable. There would be no choice but for governments and peoples to champion peace. Peace makers would need to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’
The success of the above endeavours hinges on the importance humans attach to their consciences. The danger about prolonged wars is that they deaden consciences; particularly those of politicians. The latter deaden their consciences to the extent that they prove impervious to the pain and suffering wars incur.
Thus, the ‘peace constituency’ has its work cut out; it cannot rest assured that politicians would prove sensitive to their demands. The latter would need to be constantly dinned into the hearts and minds of politicians and decision-makers if peaceful solutions to conflicts are to be arrived at.
Likewise, the publics of war-torn countries would need to demand the activation and sustaining of accountability processes with regard to those sections that are suspected of committing war crimes and like atrocities. Those publics that cease to demand accountability from powerful sections among them which are faced with war-time atrocity charges are as good as condemning themselves to lives of permanent dis-empowerment and enslavement.
Features
Don’t take the baby: In the quiet night, mother always returns

Chaminda Jayasekara
There is a particular stillness in Sri Lanka’s forests, after dusk — a kind of hushed expectancy where shadows lengthen, cicadas soften their chorus, and the night begins to breathe in its own rhythm. It is a world that does not reveal itself easily. You have to wait for it. You have to listen.
And then, suddenly, you see them — a pair of luminous, unblinking eyes suspended in the dark.
The Grey Slender Loris, or unahapuluwa, emerges, not with drama, but with quiet precision. Small, slow-moving, and almost impossibly delicate, it is one of Sri Lanka’s most enigmatic nocturnal primates — a creature that has survived millennia by mastering the art of stillness.
Yet, during these months — from late March through July — the forests hold a more tender story. It is the breeding season of the slender loris, and with it comes a scene that is often misunderstood by those who encounter it for the first time: a tiny infant, alone on a branch, barely three inches long, its fragile body silhouetted against the night.

Grey Slender Loris with twin babies
To many, it appears to be a moment of abandonment.
To nature, it is a moment of trust.
“People often act out of compassion, but without understanding what they are seeing,” explains Chaminda Jayasekara of the University of Hertfordshire. “A baby loris left alone is not necessarily in danger. In fact, it is part of a natural process that is critical for its survival.”
According to Jayasekara, when a baby loris is about a month old, the mother begins a remarkable routine. As darkness settles, she gently places her infant on a secure branch and moves off into the forest to forage. Her journey can take her hundreds of metres away — sometimes close to 800 metres — as she searches for insects and other small prey.
In those hours of solitude, the infant is not abandoned. It is learning.
Clinging to the branch, it begins to explore its immediate surroundings. Tentatively, almost hesitantly, it reaches out — testing balance, grip, and instinct. It may attempt to catch tiny insects, mimicking behaviours it will one day rely on entirely. This is its first classroom, and the forest its only teacher.
“Those early nights are crucial,” Jayasekara says. “The baby is developing motor skills, coordination, and the ability to interact with its environment. These are things that cannot be replicated in captivity.”
And yet, this is precisely where human intervention often disrupts the process.
Across rural and even semi-urban Sri Lanka, stories circulate of well-meaning individuals who come across a lone baby loris and assume the worst. Driven by concern, they pick it up, take it home, or attempt to hand-rear it — believing they are saving a life.

Grey Slender Loris
But the reality is far more complex — and far more tragic.
“When a baby is removed unnecessarily, it loses something fundamental,” Jayasekara emphasises. “It loses the chance to learn how to survive in the wild. Without that, even if it survives in the short term, its long-term prospects are extremely poor.”
The forest, after all, is not just a habitat. It is a living, evolving system of lessons — how to detect predators, how to navigate branches, how to hunt silently, how to recognise territory. These are not instincts alone; they are behaviours refined through experience.
And the mother, contrary to assumption, is rarely far away.
“If people simply waited — even for several hours — they would often see the mother return,” Jayasekara explains. “She knows exactly where she left her baby. Her absence is temporary, purposeful.”
The advice from conservationists is clear and consistent: observe, but do not interfere.
If you encounter a baby loris, watch quietly from a distance. Avoid using bright lights or making noise. Give it time — at least 10 to 12 hours — before drawing conclusions. In most cases, the situation will resolve itself, just as nature intended.

35 days old Grey Slender Loris
Only if the animal is clearly injured, or if there is strong evidence of abandonment after prolonged observation, should intervention be considered — and even then, it must be done through the proper channels, particularly the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
Attempting to care for such a delicate animal at home is not only ineffective but often fatal.
Sri Lanka is home to two species of slender loris — the Grey Slender Loris and the Red Slender Loris — each adapted to specific ecological zones across the island. Both are protected under national legislation and recognised internationally as species requiring urgent conservation attention.
Their threats are many: habitat loss, road mortality, illegal pet trade, and, increasingly, human misunderstanding.
Yet, in the midst of these challenges, there are also signs of hope.

In recent years, the slender loris has become the focus of a unique form of wildlife tourism — one that values patience over spectacle. Night walks, conducted with trained naturalists and strict ethical guidelines, offer visitors a chance to witness the loris in its natural environment without disturbing its behaviour.
At places like Jetwing Vil Uyana, this approach has been refined into a model of responsible eco-tourism. Over more than a decade, the property has developed a dedicated Loris Conservation Project, recording thousands of sightings while educating visitors and supporting local communities.
Here, the loris is not handled, chased, or exploited. It is simply observed — a quiet presence in a carefully protected landscape.
“The success of such initiatives shows that conservation and tourism do not have to be at odds,” Jayasekara reflects. “When done responsibly, tourism can actually support conservation by creating awareness and value for these species.”
There is something profoundly moving about encountering a loris in the wild. It does not roar or charge. It does not demand attention. Instead, it exists — quietly, deliberately — as it has for millions of years.
And perhaps that is why it is so easily misunderstood.

In a world that often equates visibility with importance, the loris reminds us that some of the most extraordinary lives unfold beyond the spotlight.
It also reminds us of something else — something simpler, yet harder to practice.
Restraint.
Because conservation is not always about stepping in. Sometimes, it is about stepping back. About recognising when nature does not need our help, but our patience.
So if, on some future night, you find yourself walking beneath the trees, and your light catches a tiny figure sitting alone on a branch — do not rush forward.
Pause.
Watch.
Let the moment unfold.
Because somewhere, moving silently through the darkness, guided by instinct and memory, a mother is already on her way back.
And by morning, the forest will be whole again.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Kumar de Silva: 40 years of fame and flair
We first saw him on the small screen in January 1986 – a relatively raw, totally untrained and a very nervous 24-year-old presenting ‘Bonsoir’ on ITN.
And now, 40 years later, and as one looks back, one realises what a multi-dimensional journey Kumar de Silva has navigated across the small screen yes, from your television screens to your laptops, and iPads, tabs, and mobile phones.
Says Kumar: “It is the French language I speak that opened the world of television to me, 40 years ago. It was ‘Bonsoir’ alone, and so to my French teacher at Wesley College, Mrs. BA Fernando, to ‘Bonsoir’, and to the Embassy of France in Sri Lanka, I am eternally grateful”.

Promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka, in a big way
Kumar went on to say that on the heels of ‘Bonsoir” came ‘Fanclub’, on ITN, describing it as yet another resounding success story which saw him as a music DJ on TV.
His inherent talent saw him handle a range of contrasting programmes across ITN, TNL, Prime TV and SLRC with consummate ease – from News Reading, Business Talk Shows, Celebrity Chats, to Dhamma discussions, on Poya Days, to name a few.

Kumar – the 1986 look
Trained in Paris in television production and presentation, the Government of France, in 2012, conferred on him the title of ‘Chevalier dans l’Ordre des Arts et Lettres’ (Chevalier in the Order of Arts and Letters) in recognition of his contribution to promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka.
In celebration of his four decades on the small screen, Kumar recently launched ‘Bonsoir Katha’, the Sinhala translation (by Ciara Mendis) of his English book ‘Bonsoir Diaries’ (2013), at a gala soiree. at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo, under the distinguished patronage of the French Ambassador in Sri Lanka, Remi Lambert, and francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
He’s now excited about launching the French version of this book, ‘Les Coulisses de Bonsoir’, in Paris, in autumn this year. It is currently being translated by Guilhem Beugnon, a former Deputy Director of the Alliance Francaise de Colombo. This will, co-incidentally, also be Kumar’s 30th visit to Paris.

Chief Guest French Ambassador in Sri
Lanka Remi Lambert
Says Kumar: “The word GRATITUDE means a lot to me and so I always make it a point to spend time with two very special French people every time I go to France. One is Madame Josiane Thureau, formerly of the French Foreign Ministry, who began ‘Bonsoir’ in Sri Lanka. way back in the mid-1980s. The other is Madame Aline Berengier, the lady who designed the ‘Bonsoir’ logo – the Sri Lankan elephant in the colours of the French national flag”.
Kumar is also a much-sought-after Personal Development and Corporate Etiquette Coach in Colombo’s corporate world. Over the past 15 years, tens of thousands of corporates, have been through the different modules of his interactive training sessions. There have also been thousands of school leavers and undergraduates from national and private universities, many of whom will constitute the corporates of tomorrow.

Guest of Honour francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the gala soiree
at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo
The multi-talented Kumar turns 65 next year, and his journey on the small screen still continues – you see him on the (monthly) ‘Rendez-Vous with Yasmin and Kumar’ on the French Embassy’s YouTube Channel, and (every Friday) on ‘Fame Game with Rozanne and Kumar’ on Daily Mirror Online, Hi Online and The Sun Online.
There’s yet another podcast in the pipeline, he indicated, but diplomatically declined to give us details. All he said, with a glint in his eye, was, “It will hit your screens soon.”
Whatever he has in mind, one can be certain that the new programme will continue to showcase Kumar de Silva’s enduring presence in Sri Lanka’s entertainment scene.
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