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Editorial

Remembering JRJ

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Tuesday 19th September, 2023

It is customary to avoid speaking ill of the dead and instead focus on their positive qualities and accomplishments. That may be the reason why those who recently spoke or wrote about the late President J. R. Jayewardene (JRJ), on the occasion if his 117th birth anniversary, paid him glowing tributes and overlooked the dark side of his rule. Prominent among them were President Ranil Wickremesinghe and former Speaker Karu Jaysuriya. The former reportedly went to the extent of claiming that if Sri Lanka had sustained the socio-economic reforms initiated by his uncle, JRJ, it would have been a developed nation today.

We thought all governments since 1977 had followed JRJ’s economic policies. The UNP and the SLFP/the SLPP see eye to eye on economic liberalisation; they are the purveyors of crony capitalism in this country.

The JRJ presidency no doubt served as a catalytic force for economic, political and social change, but it was far from messianic or benevolent. In 1977, JRJ did the right thing, the wrong way on the economic front, paradoxical as it may sound. Dirigisme has become an anachronism in the modern world; it can exist only in a hermit kingdom like North Korea. The Sri Lankan economy had to be opened up in the late 1970s in keeping with emerging global politico-economic realities, but that task should have been carried out cautiously. Instead, JRJ flung the economy open.

JRJ was known for what may be called free market fundamentalism, which led to the ruination of some vital local industries and public enterprises. If only JRJ had cared to cross the river by feeling the stones, as the Chinese say, and heeded the oxymoronic adage, festina lente (‘make haste slowly’). Some economic commentators have traced the origin of Sri Lanka’s debt crisis to the JRJ rule, which led to a sharp increase in external borrowings.

On the political front, JRJ did not scruple to subjugate all democratic institutions to self-interest, and they have not recovered yet. The Constitution he introduced is replete with serious flaws, which have stood the unscrupulous in good stead. He was no respecter of the doctrine of the separation of powers and had the legislature under his thumb and did his damnedest to suppress the judiciary, albeit without much success. He once had the houses of the Supreme Court judges who refused to kowtow to him stoned, and openly shielded the police personnel who blatantly violated the fundamental rights of his political opponents at his behest. Political violence took a turn for the worse on his watch. He started the practice of giving presidential pardons to criminals. Ironically, all those who opposed his dictatorial actions and subsequently had themselves elevated to the executive presidency, which they promised to abolish, have been emulating him.

Curiously, Jayasuriya, who, as the Speaker, intrepidly defended the legislature vis-à-vis President Maithripala Sirisena’s deplorable efforts to wrest control of it, in 2018, and is championing democracy, has spoken highly of JRJ, who reduced Parliament to a mere appendage of the Executive and had barbaric violence unleashed against the Opposition, trade unions, etc.

The SLFP-led United Front government made a mockery of its commitment to democracy, in 1975, by abusing its two-thirds majority to extend the life of Parliament by two years. JRJ went a step ahead and replaced a general election with a heavily rigged referendum. His nephew has overtaken him posthumously! Today, it is the President who decides whether to hold elections!

Blunders that JRJ made were legion. He turned the country’s foreign policy on its head, sought to punch above his weight, and antagonised India in the process. His government also did precious little to stop the anti-Tamil pogrom in 1983; its goons were accused of organising and carrying out savage attacks on Tamil civilians. If JRJ had acted prudently and democratically, respecting the rule of law, perhaps, the country would not have had to fight a protracted terrorist war. He also blundered by falsely blaming the JVP for ethnic violence and proscribing it in 1983. He did so because the JVP had legally challenged the outcome of the referendum, which he used to retain his five-sixths majority in Parliament. The JVP went underground and took up arms again, plunging the country into a bloodbath in the late 1980s. Ironically, the JVP opted for a honeymoon with the UNP about three decades later and propped up the crumbling Yahapalana government; it has proved that politics is all about expediency and not principles.

The JRJ administration was not without some positives. The country is reaping the benefits of the development projects that the JRJ government launched despite criticism thereof in some quarters. It brought about an economic revival, which unfortunately the UNP itself failed to sustain due to corruption, mismanagement and cronyism.

When political leaders are commemorated, their policies and actions should be dispassionately appraised for the benefit of younger generations.



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Editorial

Carnage, probes and vilification

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Thursday 18th June, 2026

Social media debates on issues connected to the Easter Sunday terror attacks have got down and dirty, with religious and political leaders becoming targets of scurrilous attacks. The situation is likely to take a turn for the worse. The victims of vilification are without any defence as social media activists are guided by Rafferty’s rules.

Spokesman for the Archdiocese of Colombo Rev. Fr. Cyril Gamini Fernando yesterday countered some allegations against Archbishop of Colombo His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith and clarified the Catholic Church’s position on the ongoing investigations into the Easter Sunday terror strikes. He vehemently denied social media claims that the Cardinal had received prior information about the terror attacks from his security personnel deployed by the state and therefore did not attend the Easter Sunday events in 2019. It was only after the 2019 carnage that the Cardinal had been provided with security, and therefore the argument that the VIP protection units had been informed of possible terror attacks and his guards had warned him of the threat did not hold water, Fr. Fernando pointed out. His line of reasoning is logical and compelling.

Rev. Fr. Fernando reiterated that neither the Cardinal nor any other Church leader had ever asked the government to appoint Senior DIG (Retd.) Ravi Seneviratne and SSP (Retd.) Shani Abeysekera to any positions. Only a request had been made that the investigators removed by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government from the Easter Sunday carnage probe be entrusted with fresh investigations into the tragedy. No particular names had been mentioned, Fr. Fernando stressed when a journalist pointed out that Minister Bimal Rathnayake had told Parliament that the government had appointed Seneviratne and Abeysekera to key positions at the Cardinal’s request. Did the government use the Church leaders’ request as an excuse to appoint two NPP members to senior positions in the public security sector to further its political interests under the pretext of probing the Easter Sunday attacks?

It is not clear from the reports of Rev. Fr. Fernando’s statements at yesterday’s media briefing whether the church leaders support the post-retirement appointments of Seneviratne and Abeysekera and their involvement in the Easter Sunday carnage probe. Their position on the issue would be of considerable interest.

There are compelling reasons why Abeysekera and Seneviratne should have been kept out of the Easter Sunday carnage investigations. In April 2019, they were serving as the Director and the Senior DIG of the CID, respectively, which failed to prevent the terror strikes, and there is a damning allegation that they did not act on the warnings of the impending attacks. Former IGP Pujith Jayasundera and former Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando are facing legal action for their alleged failure to prevent the 2019 terror strikes. Therefore, legal proceedings should be instituted against all others who failed to protect lives on Easter Sunday in 2019 despite the availability of actionable intelligence. After their retirement from the police, Abeysekera and Seneviratne became active members of the NPP, and campaigned hard for Anura Kumara Dissanayake in the 2024 presidential race. They were prominent members of the NPP’s Retired Police Collective, which was headed by Seneviratne. They themselves have stated this in two affidavits submitted to the Supreme Court, according to media reports. The government in its wisdom brought these two NPP politicians out of retirement, appointed them as the CID Director and Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security, and entrusted Abeysekera with the task of probing the Easter Sunday terror attacks that the duo allegedly failed to prevent. Sadly, their involvement has severely undermined the integrity of the probe.

Meanwhile, it has been revealed that the VIP security divisions had been warned of possible terror attacks on Easter Sunday in 2019 and instructed to withhold warnings from the MPs and Ministers they were protecting. In an editorial comment on 22 July 2025, we pointed out, quoting former SLPP MP Indika Anuruddha Herath, who was an Opposition MP at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, that the police personnel providing security to him had received warnings of impending bomb attacks but they had been ordered not to inform him of the threat. He was at a church in Negombo when the Katuwapitiya Church was attacked, and it was only after the carnage that he and other MPs had been informed of the warnings. He said that if they had been informed of the threat earlier, they would definitely have alerted the Church leaders and action could have been taken to prevent the carnage. Who ordered the police personnel to withhold the warnings of the terror strikes from the MPs and ministers? This aspect of the security failure that led to the Easter Sunday tragedy must also be thoroughly probed.

The Easter Sunday terror mastermind must be traced and prosecuted, but all those who failed to prevent the terror strikes that claimed more than 275 lives and left hundreds of other seriously injured must also be brought to justice.

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Editorial

Cramped cells, fettered rights

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Wednesday 17th June, 2026

Some occupants of key positions in the public service unashamedly display their chameleon-like ability to adapt to changing political circumstances and please new leaders. They do not scruple to trade their professional dignity for expediency. So, it is not surprising that some police officers have chosen to be at the beck and call of powerful politicians, and the police go out of their way to further the interests of the powers that be. Their servility has stood in the way of efforts to depoliticise the police through constitutional safeguards.

Unsurprisingly, the police have resorted to legal action against some Opposition politicians who took up the cudgels for the rights of former State Intelligence Service Director Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Suresh Sallay in CID custody. If the CID had acted impartially and respected Sallay’s rights as a detainee, the need for protests would not have arisen. It was protests that prompted the CID to bite the bullet and rush Sallay to hospital. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has reportedly expressed concern about the conditions of the detention cells at the CID headquarters.

Contrary to government claims, there have been no calls for Sallay’s release or an end to the ongoing police investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks. Everyone is of the view that the probe must go on and justice must be done to the carnage victims. Protests have been against the alleged ill-treatment of Sallay at the CID headquarters. Criticism of the suppression of the rights of detainees must not be misconstrued as efforts to undermine the judiciary.

Police action against the critics of the CID smacks of a sinister move to suppress democratic dissent. The incumbent government is apparently emulating the previous dispensations that resorted to draconian measures to silence dissent to consolidate their hold on power.

In a democracy, sovereignty resides in the people, who are the ultimate political authority, and they must not be denied their legitimate right to oppose the subjugation of the legal process to the political interests of the government in power. It is antithetical to democracy and amounts to an assault on the people’s freedom of expression for criticism of politically driven investigations and the abuse of suspects under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to be framed as obstructions of the police or contempt of court.

The PTA allows the Defence Minister to order the detention of suspects arrested by police investigators to further the interests of his or her political party on some pretext or another. However, the abuse of the PTA is not of recent origin. There is hardly any law that has not been abused under successive governments, and the self-proclaimed campaigners for democracy and human rights, were abusers themselves, while in power.

The present-day UNP leaders who have condemned the alleged ill-treatment of Sallay fully endorsed numerous such violations, especially the arrest and prolonged detention of Vijaya Kumaratunga in a dark cell in the early 1980s. The JVP assassinated Kumaratunga a few years later.

The JVP vehemently opposed the PTA, politically driven investigations, etc., as it bore the brunt of repressive practices facilitated by the PTA. But the JVP-led NPP government has not only chosen to use the PTA to suppress dissent but also reached a new low; it has brought two of its active party members out of retirement and appointed them as the CID Director and Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security. Worse, it intimidates those who dare criticise the undemocratic actions of these officers and campaign for the rights of suspects in detention.

Now that the appalling conditions of the CID’s detention cells have come to light, pressure must be brought to bear on the government to take remedial action for the benefit of all suspects. Most of all, police officers loyal to the ruling party must not be allowed to subject detainees to cruel treatment in a bid to break their will and obtain confessions.

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Editorial

A deal that pours oil on troubled waters

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Tuesday 16th June, 2026

The world must have breathed a sigh of relief yesterday following the announcement that the US and Iran had agreed to sign a peace deal soon and begin negotiations in earnest to resolve contentious issues. The peace plan has renewed hope that no more lives will be lost due to military strikes in West Asia; precious assets, especially oil infrastructure, in that part of the world will be safe, and disruptions to global oil supplies will be over.

Interestingly, as US President Donald Trump turned 80, global oil prices which had shot up to extremely high levels, owing to his war on Iran, dropped to about USD 80 a barrel, the lowest since the eruption of the war in February. Upon the announcement of the US-Iran peace deal, WTI, the US oil benchmark, decreased to USD 80 a barrel, and the global oil benchmark, Brent crude, which was about USD 70 a barrel before the conflict and peaked at about USD 120 during the war, dropped to USD 83 a barrel. Share markets surged in Asia. These are very positive signs.

The US-Iran peace deal and the resultant oil price drops could not have come at a better time for developing nations, especially Sri Lanka, which is struggling to stabilise its rupee and shore up its forex reserves.

However, a return of global oil prices to the pre-conflict level of USD 70 a barrel may not be possible in the short term, given some factors, such as the lost production capacity in West Asia, strategic oil reserve replenishment and higher risk premium. The situation may improve sooner than expected if OPEC, the US, Canada, Brazil, etc., care to increase oil production and help stabilise the world energy market, thereby strengthening the global economy, which has shown signs of severe decline due the West Asian conflict.

US President Donald Trump pretends that he has done Iran a big favour by agreeing to a peace deal. However, Trump has apparently made a virtue of necessity. It was difficult for him to go on fighting, particularly in view of the passage of a crucial War Powers bill. Besides, US Vice President J. D. Vance, in an interview with Fox News, has said, inter alia, that Americans were facing economic hardships due to the Iran war; he has expressed hope that energy prices will start coming down shortly much to their relief. This shows that the Trump administration was also badly in need of a peace deal.

The US-Iran peace deal to be signed has been described in some quarters as a birthday gift for Trump. It must have gladdened his heart beyond measure, for his approval rating has plummeted due to his handling of the economy and the Iran war, and his Grand Old Party is expected to perform poorly at the midterm elections in November. One may recall that General Sherman, after completing his March to the Sea, famously “presented” the city of Savannah, the Confederacy’s most important port, as a Christmas gift to President Lincoln, in December 1864. Trump may have expected his military commanders to do likewise and present something like Iran’s Kharg Island to him as a birthday gift, but his plans went awry owing to Iran’s fierce resistance, with Tehran effectively shifting the war to the economic front by using the Hormuz Strait as a strategic lever. So, Trump apparently had to settle for a peace deal as a birthday gift, so to speak.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is obviously not well-disposed towards the peace deal to be inked. He was dependent on the Iran war for political survival. His opponents are closing ranks, and he has court cases to contend with. So, if he carries out attacks on Hezbollah targets again, as speculated in international defence circles, Iran may be compelled to respond, maybe by closing the Hormuz Strait again. In the world of cloak-and-dagger geopolitics, anything is possible. It is up to Trump to ensure that his friend behaves.

World powers have welcomed the peace deal to be signed and praised the US, Iran and Pakistan, which made it possible. They themselves have been reeling from the knock-on economic effects of the West Asian conflict, and it will be in their best interest to do everything in their power to ensure that the peace deal will reach fruition and the Iran war will be a thing of the past.

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