Features
Rejected From Romania, back to Bulgaria, Yugoslavia & Austria
CONFESSIONS OF A GLOBAL GYPSY
By Dr. Chandana (Chandi) Jayawardena DPhil
President – Chandi J. Associates Inc. Consulting, Canada
Founder & Administrator – Global Hospitality Forum
chandij@sympatico.ca
My wife and I faced a few unexpected challenges during our winter adventure in 1985. However, without knowing that the worst was yet to come, we were generally
optimistic. We were keen to create a series of unique memories by visiting over 16 countries within a period of six weeks in middle of the winter.
During a memorable visit to Austria in 1982, I was fascinated to listen to our good family friends from Austria, Biggi and Wolfgang Fernau, talk about their heritage and the history of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. They told us that they were true Viennese, Biggi with an Austrian and Czechoslovakian blend and Wolf with an Austrian and Hungarian blend. They were proud of their heritage and the history of their country.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire was a dual monarchy and a constitutional monarchy. It was a great power in Central Europe between 1867 and 1918. It was formed with the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 in the aftermath of the Austro-Prussian War. In 1878, Austria-Hungary unilaterally occupied the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Novi Pazar. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was not as large as the Ottoman or Turkish Empire (which survived for 623 years) but expanded rapidly in five decades.
Being an imperial power doesn’t impress most people the way it used to during the colonial past. All empire building in history stemmed from human greed for power, often ending with unjustifiable death, shameful disruptions and human right violations. All empires have a life span. The length of the Austro-Hungarian Empire rule was particularly short. It existed for only 51 years when the empire was dissolved after its defeat during the First World War. Nevertheless, it was amazing that a young empire, within a short period of time, had controlled an area of 621,538 km2.
It was a multinational state and one of Europe’s major powers at the time. Austria-Hungary was geographically the second-largest country in Europe after the Russian Empire, and the third-most populous (after Russia and the German Empires). The Austro-Hungarian Empire built up the fourth largest machine building industry in the world, after the United States, Germany and the United Kingdom.
Although my wife was not overly motivated about an expanded tour, I was keen to visit many parts of this past empire, before we went to Vienna to meet our Austrian friends. “We are already in the middle of that former empire, so why not explore the key cities of it?” I asked my wife with an aim of convincing her by showing the following map. “The dotted lines show the balance we need to cover by train”, I made it appear easy to achieve.
We then planned to continue our travel by train with stops in Bucharest in Romania, Budapest in Hungary, Bratislava and Prague in Czechoslovakia and then end up in Vienna in Austria for a longer visit. As we had already visited some key parts of the former Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia), we decided to explore Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria next.
BULGARIA
Bulgaria is a small country situated in the east of the Balkans. Its diverse terrain encompasses the Black Sea coastline, a mountainous interior and rivers, including the Danube. A cultural melting pot with Greek, Slavic, Ottoman, and Persian influences, it has a rich heritage of traditional dances, music, costumes and crafts. In 1946, Bulgaria came under the Soviet-led Eastern Bloc and became a socialist state. The country faced a demographic crisis with its population shrinking from nine million in 1985 to roughly 6.5 million in 2022.
The history of the capital city Sofia, dates to the 5th century BC. 1.2 million or 13% of Bulgaria’s population in 1985, lived in Sofia. When we reached Sofia around 2:00 am, we were very tired and needed a full night sleep before any more tours. Unfortunately, all of the smaller hotels were full and the only available room in the city was at Novotel Europa, which was too expensive for us.
The taxi driver who drove us to find an affordable hotel wasted our time by taking us around the city without finding one. When we realized that he was simply going round to keep his meter ticking, we insisted that he returns us to the railway station. He did so but overcharged us. We managed to get a few hours sleep in the heated but crowded rest room of the main railway station until armed guards arrived around 6:00 am to chase away all the those resting there, including the both of us.
We decided to stay around the station until the information counter opened and had the worst possible meal at the only nearby restaurant open at that time. Our standing breakfast at a high table included dry bread, salty gherkins, sliced sausages and black coffee. Their menu had no other choices. Finally, when the information counter was opened by a rude woman, we managed to book a room in a nearby hotel who charged us much more than the agreed rate. We felt that Bulgaria was certainly not ready for tourism in 1985.
Later I did a city taxi tour of Sofia with a guide and on foot. My wife did not join me as she preferred to catch up on her sleep. I was shown some TV towers, which the guide claimed to be the tallest in Europe. He also took me to museums, monuments, the national assembly and a Turkish fort. At the end of the tour, I was taken to St. Alexander Nevsky Cathedral which is an impressive landmark in Sofia. The church was built as a memorial to the 200,000 Russian soldiers who died in the Russo-Turkish Liberation War (1877-1878).
When our train to Bucharest left around 10:00 pm, we decided that we would never return to Sofia again. That decision was short lived. As usual, the compartments were freezing cold and we were asked by the guard to pay US $4 extra for a warmer compartment which we did. Around 5:00 am we reached Rousse, a medium size Bulgarian city close to the border of Romania.
The Romanian custom officials were rude, rough and loud. They took our passports and tickets and ordered us to get out of the train. When we asked the reason for their aggressive behaviour in spite us of having valid visas for Romania issued by their embassy in London, they did the unthinkable. They threw our bags off the train and when we got off to pick up the bags, the train left without us.
We were left shivering on the platform for 30 minutes in -25 °C temperature. After that we were allowed to enter a heated rest room, where they returned our passports and tickets after announcing that we were not allowed to enter Romania. They refused to give any reasons.
A month later, when we returned to England, I wrote a detailed letter to the Romanian Embassy in London, asking for an explanation, a refund of visa fees and an apology. They never bothered to reply. Up until today, I am unaware of their reasons for such unwelcoming conduct at their border. That was the worse experience I ever had in travelling to nearly 100 countries.
After staying at the border train station for another four hours, we were finally escorted to a train going from Rousse back to Sofia. After returning to a city that we did not want to visit again, around 6:00 pm we had another standing meal at the railway station restaurant, of the same limited menu (dry bread, salty gherkins, sliced sausages and black coffee).
That was our worst day ever!
We managed to get a room at a nearby hotel around 10:00 pm and hoped for a good night’s sleep. In the early hours of the morning, there was a power failure and the hotel generator did not start. We kept warm by sitting around the wood fireplace in the hotel lobby.
We gratefully took the first morning train from Sofia to Belgrade. We were still thinking of what happened to us at the Romanian border. We were shocked, saddened and it felt like a lingering nightmare. In our compartment we managed to have a conversation with two Turkish brothers travelling to Austria in search of work.
They spoke a few English words and we spoke a few German words. They were not surprised about the rude behaviour of the Romanian custom officers. They said probably Romania is having a serious energy crisis due to the bad weather and therefore not allowing foreigners to enter their country.
Later during the train ride, we shared our lunch with the two brothers. They shared a snack – a crispy flat bread and some fermented turnip juice with us. That was spicy, and we liked it. Afterwards, we played some gin rummy with them. I taught them this card game and they became very good at it. As the train came closer to Belgrade we exchanged our addresses. They also gave us a gift, a small key tag from Turkey. We had nothing of significance to give, but when we gave them our pack of cards they thanked us sincerely and left.
Soon after reaching Belgrade after sunset, we hurried to the information counter. For once we had good luck. The lady working there was friendly, cheerful, helpful and even spoke a little English. We confirmed our seats for the next train ride and had a quick dinner. We also went to the central post office and managed to call our friends in Austria to tell them our arrival time in Vienna. The evening train was warmer than we expected, another bonus.
Ivan, a young Yugoslavian of Slovenian ethnic background was in our compartment; we became quite friendly. He was travelling to Zagreb to commence his compulsory, military service. He showed us a photograph of his beautiful, teenage girlfriend he was leaving in his village. We suspected that he was anxious, as he continuously drank a large quantity of Rakia, a popular locally-made fruit spirit. Yugoslavians, particularly Slovenians, are classified as heavy drinkers and statistics showed that they drink an average of 12 litres of pure alcohol per year. They were also, notably, the seventh biggest beer consumers in the world. Ivan offered us drinks and we just had one to keep him company.
Every time Ivan poured a new drink, he shouted “Na zdravje!” (Cheers!). As Ivan became more drunk his cheers became louder and happier. Finally in his drunkenness, Ivan lay down to sleep. He snored loudly and overslept. When the train stopped in Zagreb, we had a hard time to wake him up. Ivan thanked and hugged us to say goodbye before rushing to the platform.
A moment later we realized that he had forgotten to take one of his bags. I rushed with the bag to the platform and shouted, “Ivan!”. I could not find him and the train was starting to move. I had to run fast to get into the moving train. Fortunately, we saw him through a train window as the train moved away from the station. When he saw us, he waved back at us and yelled something in his language. An older Slovenian gentleman in the compartment told us, while laughing, “He said ‘goodbye, my good friends!’”. We hoped that he had heard our shouts, “Your other bag is left on the platform!”
Around 5:00 am we crossed over the Yugoslavia-Austria border. The Austrian officials were very professional and polite. We could not help but compare and contrast the Austrian welcome with our recent experiences, elsewhere. We passed a small border town in Austria, Spielfeld, and three hours later we reached a larger city, Graz.
I suggested to my wife that after a couple of days in Vienna, we do some day trips from Vienna to Budapest, Bratislava and Prague. She put her foot down and said firmly, “Chandi, I will never visit a socialist country again!” I tactfully postponed the negotiation for another day when we were not exhausted. I was still keen to experience most of the key cities of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire.
The train took two and half hours to travel from Graz to Vienna. While enjoying the breath-takingly beautiful Austrian winter scene, I summarized our travels during the previous three weeks in my travel journal. We were in the middle of our winter travel adventure. My calculations indicated that we had travelled for over 240 hours including 12 nights in trains to cover 12 countries.
It was time for a well-earned rest in one of our favourite cities in the world. When we reached Vienna around 9:30 am, our friends Biggi and Wolf, and a few of their friends were at the station to give us a hero’s welcome.
Will continue in next week’s article: “Austria-Hungary-Czechoslovakia-Liechtenstein”
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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