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Reconciliation Initiative- the bigger picture

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­By Dr Nirmala Chandrahasan

It has been announced that the government of Sri Lanka is on a reconciliation initiative. In pursuance thereof, President Wickremesinghe has invited all Tamil MPs for talks next week to discuss issues faced by the Tamil people and how to resolve them amicably without outside interference before the 75th Independence Day. This is Indeed a laudable project, although some sceptics have described it as being due to the result of relentless pressure from outside and future international economic assistance and support being tied to the resolution of this issue. If this is true then it is all the more important that it be approached in a way which goes to the root of the problem and brings the ethnic parties together again in friendship and harmony, which is what reconciliation means.

President Wickremesinghe has mentioned certain subjects for the discussion which include the release of prisoners presumably those held in respect of the civil war, issues pertaining to truth and reconciliation again presumably those arising from the civil war. The list also includes development plans for the North and East which includes assessment of renewable energy potential in the North, and finally development of Trincomalee for Tourism.

Although the above are all worthy objectives, it fails to deal with the subject of reconciliation per se. Reconciliation means restoring friendship and harmony between parties who have been divided, and would include settling or resolving the differences between them. To my mind the most important question to be resolved is whether this Country is to be regarded as a Sinhala Buddhist State where all the other ethnic, religious groups are treated as guests, or as a multi- ethnic- multi-religious, secular country where all citizens have equal rights.

During the previous regime of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, it was publicly asserted to be a Sinhalese Buddhist state where other ethnic and religious entities were being allowed to live. This ideology was propounded by ethno-nationalist Sinhalese politicians, academics and media houses. The sole Sinhalese Politician of Stature who was brave enough to repudiate this claim was the late Mangala Samaraweera. He had to bear the consequences of stating that the country belonged to all the ethnicities and religious groups and was denigrated by ethno- nationalists. Even today this policy continues in the Eastern province, where under the pretext of Archaeology, and Buddhist ruins, Tamil speaking farmers of the area are being dispossessed of their lands, although historically many of these ruins are Tamil Buddhist ruins. In the Trincomalee district, administrative boundaries are being sought to be changed so as to make demographic changes to the population of the district. All these actions are analogous to those of Israeli settlements in Palestinian lands, and is only breeding bad blood between the communities, instead of reconciliation. It is also noteworthy that the Archaeological Task force for the Eastern province appointed during the previous regime does not contain a single member of either the Tamil or Muslim communities who constitute the majority in this Province. The above actions would call in question the credibility of the present reconciliation process to even the international observers, and should be discontinued.

This claim that the island belongs only to one ethnic religious group, is not entirely new, although it was given a public endorsement in the regime of President Gotabaya. From 1949 itself with the passing of the Acts disenfranchising the upcountry Tamils and the passing of the Sinhala only Act in 1956, this policy began to reveal itself. There were also pogroms against Tamil speaking people from 1956 onwards, culminating in the pogrom of 1983 which was said to be state inspired and directed. In the aftermath of the 1983 holocaust, the non-violent Satyagraha methods which had marked the earlier Tamil political resistance movement came to an end as people began to doubt its efficacy.

I might add that in my view, it was not the Sinhalese people who were responsible for this policy and the consequences thereof, but self-serving politicians and members of a political class, who found a path to power, position and wealth by espousing this ideology and deceiving their own people. It was this ideology that resulted in Sri Lanka losing so many of its professionals and talent, as sections of the population began to feel that they had no place in this Country. First the Burgher community which had made this their home since the 17th century, emigrated to Australia, subsequently many Tamil professionals who had skills that could benefit the country left for the UK, USA, Canada, Australia, and other first world countries. After the major pogrom of 1983, there was an outflow of Tamil refugees who had suffered the effects of the violence, to all parts of the world. The armed struggle also began to take shape, as the military repression caused many young people of the Tamil community to join the ranks of the militants and take up arms because they did not see themselves as equal citizens in this nation. All these factors had a bearing on the present catastrophic economic downturn which we now see. This of course is not the only reason as the incompetence and corruption of the rulers and the political class was also a major factor.

So, we can see that for true reconciliation to take place there must be a recognition that this Country is a Multi- ethnic, multi- religious country in which all citizens are equal and have an equal stake. We must welcome and be proud of our diversity as do countries like Canada and South Africa. Even in the United Kingdom our former colonial ruler, a Hindu of Indian origin is able to take his place as Prime minister. The British Conservative party has chosen to give recognition to ability and talent and not race or religion. We have to look to the day when the Sri Lankan nation will do likewise. In a country where all the citizens of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds are accepted as equal partners, all the constituent peoples would be enthused to work together for the upliftment of ‘their’ country. The Tamil diaspora too would come forward to assist and invest in the Country. For this change of heart /mindset to take place there must be a revamp of the text books in the schools and particularly in the- Sinhalese medium. History books must show the common cultural links between the communities and not portray them in an adversarial way. The historical linkages between the South Indian kingdoms and Lanka should be brought out. The fact that South India was Buddhist too for many centuries, and the Chola Kings who ruled Lanka for almost a century were also patrons of Buddhism should be made known to the public, both Sinhalese and Tamil, as Tamils too are largely unaware of the common heritage they share.

It also behoves the Tamil community to move away from a mindset of victimisation and constant harping on the Civil war. Every war has its brutalities and crimes and these are not confined to one party alone. The Tamil community has to look to the future and while safeguarding their culture and identity they also have to break away from their insularity. Where the hand of friendship and reconciliation is genuinely extended, they should take it and go forward. We might take a lesson from the civil war in the USA, between the Northern States of the Union and the Southern states in the 1860s. Here too the Southern states, (the Confederacy) tried to secede from the Union and form their own state. The war that followed was a very brutal one. It is said that the northern Army of General Sherman followed a scorched earth policy while marching through the Southern states. But once the war was over and the North had won, the Union government followed a policy of Reconciliation. In the National War Memorial in Arlington Virginia, there is a memorial to the Confederate soldiers of the South too, thus honouring the dead on both sides. The reunited USA, a Federal state, went on to become a great power and one of the most prosperous nations in the world. In Sri Lanka too as a measure of reconciliation some memorial to those who died fighting for their cause would go a long way in assuaging the feelings of their relatives and friends, rather than the policy of destroying their cemeteries and preventing their family members from remembering them, as hitherto. The release of the prisoners who participated in the Civil war, some of them still imprisoned, while awaiting trial after so many years, is a good beginning, as too the idea of a Truth and Reconciliation commission which is being envisaged.

Next, I would also like to touch on the question of sharing of powers, as a necessary constituent of reconciliation. Since the Indo- Sri Lanka peace Accord of July 1987, there has been a process of putting in place a system of Devolution of powers. This Treaty gave recognition to the Tamil people as Historical inhabitants of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and provided for a system of devolution of powers through Provincial Councils. Under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Act the Provincial Councils were set up. Under the 13th Amendment, powers are given in respect of a wide spectrum of subjects, which are set out in the annexed Lists and Annexures. However, the Provincial Councils Act stultified many of these powers by giving the Governor control of Finances and the Provincial administrative services. Furthermore, the Central Authorities kept encroaching on the subjects allocated to the Provincial Councils. Hence the Provincial Councils have not been as effective as they might have been. This has given rise to the view expressed by some persons including Tamil politicians that the Provincial Council system is not workable, and should hence be done away with. To this, it must be pointed out that since independence seventy-five years ago the Tamil parties have been agitating for some measure of power sharing while seeing a federal Constitution as the ultimate goal. This agitation has been through Parliament and through peaceful ‘satyagrahas’, and through negotiations and pacts with Sinhalese majority Parties and Governments. Finally, the militants having lost faith in negotiations took up arms and a protracted civil war of almost 30 years ensued. But for all this the only political gains in the way of power sharing and devolution that the Tamils have obtained has been the Provincial Councils and that too through the good offices of the Government of India.

Hence good sense dictates that the Tamil political leaders make the best use of what they have in hand. With the ongoing reconciliation process, they could press for the necessary amendments to be made to the Provincial Councils Act, which could be done through legislation with a simple majority in Parliament, or a two third majority where some Provincial Councils do not agree to the changes. No Referendum is required Furthermore, it must be conceded that the Northern Provincial Council could have exercised greater authority and made more progress by making use of the powers to pass statutes on subjects allocated to the Councils, which I might point out the Northern Province Council as of date has been very remiss in doing. Even in the matter of spending funds allocated to it by the Centre the Council has been remiss and even returned such funds in some instances. So in my view, with greater commitment on the part of the stakeholders a more efficient administration can be ensured, once the necessary amendments are put in place.

The alternative is to return to the long-drawn-out process of endless negotiations and drafting committees. After the passing of the legislation in 1987, efforts to make improvements and changes were many, i.e. the Mangala Moonesinghe committee report in the 1990s, the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga draft Constitution of 2000, which was incidentally the closest to a federal form of Government. Again in 2006 there was a multi -ethnic expert Committee appointed under the Mahinda Rajapaksa government which presented a report which was not implemented, next the APRC, (All Party Representative Committee) Report 2010, was shelved by the Government. With the change of Government in 2015 it was sought to revive the process and in 2016 a Constituent Assembly was formed to work on a new Constitution. Speaking on the recent reconciliation proposals Mr. Sumanthiran, MP on behalf of the TNA said that President Wickremesinghe had presented a draft of the new Constitution proposals to Parliament on 16th January 201 9 in the capacity of Prime minister, and this has to be taken forward. This is a sensible proposal as it is not worth restarting the same process again. I might mention that the Parliamentary Sub- Committee on Centre-Periphery relations, which was part of the above Constituent Assembly, made some very good proposals on the reforms to the Provincial Council system in its Report of 2019, which incorporated proposals in the 2006 Expert Committee Report and the APRC Report, and these can be drawn upon when making the amendments to the Provincial Councils Act, as proposed above.

With a view to making reconciliation a reality and restoring friendly relations and harmony between the communities, I have examined the background to, and underlying ideologies which have contributed to the estrangement between the communities. The strategies and steps to be taken in order to change perceptions and fixed prejudices and ideologies will require courage and transformational steps some outlined above. Reconciliation cannot be a one sided effort and both communities must be willing to make the effort. President Ranil Wickremesinghe is well suited to taking this process forward given his long experience of the political processes and understanding of the historical background.



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Opinion

Closer look at regulatory oversight and its impact on tourism

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Sri Lanka’s Struggling Aviation Sector:

Sri Lanka, a nation blessed with cultural richness, breath-taking landscapes, and strategic geographic positioning, has long been considered a gateway to Asia’s tourism market. Yet behind the scenes, the country’s domestic aviation sector is struggling, caught in a web of regulatory challenges and infrastructural stagnation. Two key documents shed light on these issues: the ICAO Universal Safety Oversight Audit Programme (USOAP) Continuous Monitoring Approach (CMA) Final Report (November 2018) on Sri Lanka’s civil aviation system, and a recent panel discussion organised by the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) on “The Role of Domestic Aviation in Sri Lankan Tourism.”

Taken together, these sources paint a picture of a sector mired in what industry experts call “over-regulation” and “lack of facilitation.” This situation not only impedes the growth of domestic aviation but also adversely affects the country’s tourism potential. At the heart of the problem lies the Civil Aviation Authority of Sri Lanka (CAASL), described as being more obstructive than supportive, thereby stifling innovation and progress in the industry. ICAO highlights the need for a more tailored regulatory approach, stating as a high priority that “all the applicable provisions of the Annexes to the Chicago Convention are properly transposed to Sri Lanka national regulations, instead of a word-by-word copy of the Annex provisions, to ensure that the national regulations provide for clear requirements of the State and are implementable and enforceable.”

The OPA panel discussion reinforces these findings. It offers a historical overview going back to the 1950s, when domestic aviation briefly thrived under partnerships like Air Ceylon and Australian National Airways (ANA). Yet by the 1960s and beyond, domestic aviation began to decline due to inadequate regulatory support, financial hurdles, and misguided policy decisions. As the OPA discussion states: “During the discussions, fingers were pointed at the Regulator, Civil Aviation Authority Sri Lanka (CAASL), Airport and Aviation Sri Lanka (AASL), and the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) for being more obstructive than facilitative as a direct result of their employment of personnel who are unprofessional, inefficient and unqualified.” This criticism suggests that the CAASL applies international standards (SARPs) too rigidly, without considering alternative means of compliance suitable for local conditions. Instead of fostering a dynamic and cost-effective domestic aviation environment, over-regulation hampers operators and prevents them from serving remote destinations efficiently.

The impact on tourism is profound. High-end travellers value time and comfort, and efficient domestic aviation can transform hours-long road trips into brief, scenic flights. As noted in the OPA document, domestic aviation could attract “high end ‘luxury tourists’ who preferred to go from their departure point to their final destination in minimum time.” Yet over-regulation, poor infrastructure, and insufficient marketing force many visitors to rely on time-consuming road travel or skip certain destinations altogether.

Summarising the problem, the OPA document states: “The overarching message was that domestic aviation and the tourism industry do not seem to work together as a team.” Both the ICAO report and the OPA discussion not only highlight deficiencies but also propose solutions. ICAO recommends that the CAASL “conduct a structured review of all Regulations/Implementing Standards” to ensure regulations are more practical and enforceable. Despite these clear directives, it remains puzzling why the current administration has not acted on these recommendations and taken advantage of the “low-hanging fruit” within domestic aviation. Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads. Its natural beauty, cultural diversity, and strategic location create a promising backdrop for a thriving tourism industry. Domestic aviation can serve as a critical catalyst in this resurgence. However, the documents make it clear that unless the CAASL heeds ICAO’s recommendations and the OPA’s insights, regulatory gridlock will continue to hold the sector back. If the CAASL adopts the suggested reforms, Sri Lanka’s domestic aviation could finally take off, bolstering the tourism sector and paving the way for sustainable growth, greater foreign exchange earnings, and enhanced competitiveness in the regional travel market.

Aircraft Owners’ and Operators’ Association

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Opinion

What AKD and NPP should bear in mind

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AKD

This is to thank you for drawing attention to the dangers posed by India to our society and its culture and other basic resources as well as its on-going exertions towards encroaching on our maritime territory.

As your distinguished correspondent Neville Ladduwahetty has pointed out in an article—President Dissanayake’s forthcoming visit to India: Issues Sri Lanka should take up with New Delhi (09 Dec.)—in your columns, what the NPP government led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake should bear in mind is that India is not our friend. Indeed, as I myself pointed out in an opinion piece published by you many months ago, India’s practice of greed has alienated everyone of the countries that lie on or in proximity to its borders from Pakistan in the west to Bangladesh in the east, to Sri Lanka and the Maldives  in the south with that vast territory of distinct cultures that cover Jammu and Kashmir, Nepal and Bhutan all capped by China.

India mouths the observations made by the rest of the world on what is euphemistically called “western” “hypocrisy” (and not the pack of looters and genocidal goons they have long been). The reason for that has been quite evident but has been pronounced a few days ago in statement/s by Jaishanker (a public servant who has found politics more to his taste) on India’s “complicity” (what a seeking-to-be-neutral term) in the criminal assaults on the people of and around Palestine.

And, if one were to ask, “Who are they?” they are a widespread group of rogue states and range from the prime mover (the USA) to arms-vendors across Europe, to traders in fossil fuels and to money-makers by any other means such as Egypt’s Sisi, Pakistan’s unelected rulers in military uniform whether home-bred or governed by the “policy’ makers in Washington and right down to the wallahs of a rich mixture of rogue businessmen, politicians cum mythmakers masked in “religion” in India.

And what have we here? The same manoeuvres as elsewhere with treacherous politicians of our own in place of the Marcos line in the Philippines, the Sharifs et al in Pakistan and a whole string of the like in Africa and Latin America.

How subservient the more recent lot here are and how much the US-Indian combine can chalk up as “success” can be seen in a wealthy Indian businessman’s role in support of the American-underwritten carnival on Galle Face green to remove Gotabaya from office. An exertion capped by insinuating their long-term friend, Ranil Wickresinghe, into Parliament and the presidency with not a whisper of legitimacy. And that’s the sort-of man who spent hundreds, maybe thousands of our hard-earned ‘valuable foreign exchange’ going for funerals and other bits of show-dom. We await the present administration to make public an audit of those and other expenditures incurred by him and his cohorts, in addition of course to the ‘agreements’ he has signed with ‘his’ constituency of MPs who had long lost any form of legitimacy themselves.

And now they must be, should be, delighted to have Harini Amarasuriya. She is on record as telling us that she’s concerned for India’s fears for her security from her neighbours. I do not wish to go on and risk the blood pressure levels of your readers by spelling out the meaning of what she’s said and of her presence in Parliament, never mind the Cabinet.

That reminds us that she has been designated “Prime Minister” as following Sirimavo Bandaranaike, who earned world-wide respect for severing diplomatic relations with Saigon (Vietnam), Formosa (Taiwan) and ‘Israel’.

That was in 1970, over fifty years ago. It’s possible that Dr. Amarasuriya’s knowledge of or respect for history does not extend that far back.

Gamini Seneviratne

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Opinion

Franklyn Amarasinghe– an appreciation

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Franklyn Amarasinghe

Frankie, to many friends and to me was a very sincere friend, knowledgeable, and very compassionate, gentleman who adorned the post of Director General of the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon. As the reading in the Holy Bible says, (MATHEW CH:7 verse 24) he built his religious values with a contrite heart along with his family “like a house built on a Rock” and stood up to all the challenges in life inculcating in his two daughters, Michelle and Sharon with those Christlike values with true faith in Jesus Christ.

I first came to know Frankie when he was in the Law College hostel along with many school friends of mine whilst he was attending Law College. I used to visit my friends, Vasu, Illeyaperuma, Niel Dias, Tudor Jayasuriya and Senarath Mendis, and several others. But I came to know him very closely when I was stationed at Alawwa Police station in 1969, when Frankie was practising as a lawyer in the District Courts. Many of his family members were lawyers including an Uncle Jerry Perera, who used to frequent the club and played cricket. As a young lawyer he stood tall in his profession as a very courteous and humble lawyer who never exploited situations.

It was when he was the deputy to S. R. De Silva, Director General of the Employers Federation, I met him again at his office at Sulaiman Terrace. I was privileged to provide security to the organisation through my company. “… I was new to the trade and managing a private company but he guided me in management skills especially in drafting Contracts with my clients and drawing up “Standard Operational Procedures.”

His leadership qualities are that he once said, “Nihal “Do not create rules that are impossible to live by; ensure that the rules you set for yourself are possible, within your control, and that following them makes you feel good.”

His achievements in the field of Employer & Employee relationship has no doubt created a standard where the Trade Unions, too, recognised his deep sense of compassion, mixed with knowledge and created a high standard of trust and confidence when there were wage increases and disagreements. It is with his experience that he groomed reliable successors, to him when he readily accepted a position with the “ILO” (International Labour Organization.) He readily imparted his knowledge and experience at many International venues and even published very valuable books which are of great acceptance at Labour Courts and labour disputes.

He fought his terminal illness very bravely and to his credit, ensured that both his daughters were on their feet since his wife’s terminal illness. The children and extended family stood by him till his last. I did visit him on a few occasions, but later he requested me not to visit him, saying, “NIHAL, I WANT YOU TO KNOW WHAT I LOOKED LIKE AND PLEASE REFRAIN FROM SEEING ME “NOW”. I did comply but continued to pray for him offering masses at All Saints Church and at The Holy Rosary Church every week and continued to speak to him until he declined.

“Gratitude and confidence are directly related. The More you are grateful for what you have, the more there is to be grateful for.”

Frankie, you will always be in my prayers, I know “NOW” you are with the LORD. Your” faith remained unwavering through all of life’s challenges and that hope was the burning light which guided all your life “

“ETERNAL LIFE GRANT UN- TO HIM OH! LORD”

NIHAL DE ALWIS

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