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Quality of medicinal drugs

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by Geewananda Gunawardana Ph.D.

It is a relief to see that some actions are being taken to safeguard the nation’s medicinal drugs supply. Marking the World Antimicrobial Resistance Week, Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa stated that laws and regulations governing medicinal drugs must be strengthened. Seeing what has happened to the country’s drug supply in the recent past, that may come as an understatement. The half a billion-dollar question is whether the new administration will be effective in changing the system even if it has good intentions and political muscle. There are a few reg flags raised already. The reason for that doubt is that this problem is shrouded in mystery, presumed to be a subject that we mortals could not understand, a subject only accessible to a certain class of elite. This information gap makes finding a solution to this problem several orders of magnitudes harder than that for many other problems facing the country.

Our problems are not new. In the late nineteenth century, when a shrewd businessman started selling bottled stream water as a panacea, the American authorities saw the need for verifying and regulating medicinal products. That was the beginning of the US Food and Drug Administration. For better or for worse, the infamous human immunoglobulin fiasco when senior officials were caught passing bottled water has triggered Sri Lanka’s FDA moment. We had a system in place, but as the no confidence vote in the parliament highlighted, it had been callously disregarded with impunity for decades. This is not limited to the health sector but deep rooted in all institutions. The continued adoration of the main culprit after the fact shows our ingrained tendency to venerate the elite blindly no matter what harm they inflict. Change has arrived, but success is not guaranteed; we the public must continue to be vigilant.

Vulnerability of systems

The recent incident in which a crook swindled passports right in front of the junior minister highlights the vulnerability of our systems, the gaping information gap, and the extent of disregard for law and order. If a lawmaker can be blinded to a simple protocol, hoodwinking even a well-meaning expert in the field can be child’s play when it comes to drug safety. The process is so convoluted that the proverbial entering through one ear and coming out the other can be extended to any other pore. The decades of neglect and corruption in drug regulation necessitate an all-out war against the system; applying band-aids here and there will not work. Eliminating the information gap is a major step in that process.

There are three main functional areas of specialization involved in getting safe medications to the patients: discovery and development of a drug, diagnosis of the ailment and prescription of the drug, and dispensing the drug to the patient in the prescribed manner. The professionals involved are pharmaceutics experts, medical doctors, and pharmacists. Except in research settings that exist in drug discovery and development organizations, the interactions between the three disciplines stated above are limited. The most common exchange of information takes place through the salespeople of the drug manufacturers; there is no need to explain whose interest they have in mind. As a result, there exists an information gap. Many tend to take it for granted that the world’s drug supply is safe and efficacious; in fact, to the dismay of this writer, a person in a responsible position made a statement to that effect, recently. That would have been true in an ideal world.

The World Health Organization report (2017) estimates that 1 in 10 medicines in low- and middle-income countries are substandard or falsified, and the losses incurred as a result is about $ 30.5 billion annually. According to another report (jamanetworkopen.2018.1685), the figures are higher: 13% substandard drugs and $200 billion in economic losses. No numbers are available for Sri Lanka, but the name of a former health minister should be sufficient to highlight the enormity of the problem, which is reprehensible by any human standards, to say the least.

It is obvious why the substandard drug manufactures target low-income countries and countries with corrupt systems: they are easy targets. We Sri Lankans have more reasons to be vigilant as there are vultures within the system hellbent on looting public funds with impunity and are ready and willing to collude with them. However, there are two powerful tested and proven approaches to curb all these evils. They are Quality Assurance (QA) and Quality Control (QC). If properly administered, they do not leave any room for corruption within this process. However, the irregularities associated with purchasing practices must be dealt with separately.

The scientists that discover, develop, and bring drugs to market identify a set of qualities or attributes of drugs that must be maintained for them to be safe and efficacious. These requirements are known as specifications, and they include a list of tests to be performed on each drug, the analytical test procedures, and appropriate acceptance criteria, which are numerical limits, ranges, or other criteria for the tests described. All such information for all approved drugs is available through the drug manufacturers, approving agencies of the region, and international organizations such as WHO and the International Council for Harmonization (ICH). Following such guidance, these qualities of the drugs and any external factors that may affect them must be monitored and controlled throughout the life of the drug.

Two vital stages

This is done in two stages: quality assurance involves having all necessary precautions in place during manufacture, packaging, storage, distribution, and throughout the shelf life at the pharmacy and the patient’s home. Fortunately, the WHO has a programme for certifying manufacturers and suppliers that meet these stringent requirements. Any drug purchased must be accompanied by a certificate of analysis (CoA), which lists the required qualities, and the test results relevant to that specific lot of drugs. If the drug originates from a WHO certified manufacturer, the CoA is a document that can be trusted. Naturally, having such quality assurance measures is costly, and their products could be more expensive than those coming from uncertified manufacturers. The certificates of analyses originating from non-certified manufacturers require verification by the purchasing country. The verification process becomes much more difficult with injectables and vaccines. The quality control of ‘biologics’ requires special techniques. This is how the low-income countries get in trouble, by going for the least expensive suppliers of drugs.

Even under the best of conditions, things can go wrong, and subpar drugs can enter the system unintentionally. The objective of quality control, the second measure, is to assure that the manufactured product meets all the specifications throughout its life. Therefore, incorporation of a full-fledged quality control function to the system is necessary for ensuring the safety and efficacy of the drugs provided to the patient, not just when it leaves the manufacturing facility. Testing drug samples during the supplier selection process is a necessary step. However, an often-overlooked aspect of this practice is that the samples provided by non-certified manufacturers may not represent the bulk product supplied to the end users. Therefore, periodic testing of drugs circulating through the system is necessary to assure their quality.

Quality control involves performing a set of tests according to the specification set forth by the drug manufacturer in agreement with the approving regulatory agency of the region or country. These tests are various spectroscopic methods to test drug purity, potency, identity, and other critical characteristics. Once the drug is released by the manufacturer, the quality control function goes to the pharmacist, not the doctor nor the pharmaceutics scientist.

The quality control activity must be conducted in accordance with the current Good Manufacturing Practices (cGMP) as described by international agencies like the ICH. An important feature of cGMP is that when implemented properly, it ensures data integrity, traceability, verifiability, and accountability. Almost all the test methods prescribed in specifications are now instrument based. There are hardly any wet chemistries involved as used in pharmacy practice at the turn of the century. As a result, the entire process can be digitalised. That is the system change we need to eliminate corruption. That is the way to bring in desperately needed transparency and accountability.

If the reader gets the impression that what was discussed above are new concepts to the Sri Lankan scene, they are mistaken. Hundreds, if not thousands, of laboratories in many countries are performing these tasks routinely safeguarding their drug supply. They manage to catch inadvertent manufacturing errors and prevent costly and damaging outcomes in a timely fashion. What went wrong in our country?

Bibile and Kottegoda

We have had concerned and forward-looking people like Professors Bibile and Kottegoda and many others who foresaw what was to come. It may come as a surprise, but all the laws and regulations that are necessary to assure the safety and efficacy of drugs exist in the books – the country’s rules and regulations. The facilities, people, and procedures are in place. However, things didn’t go as they expected. According to news reports, there is a shortage of pharmacists in the country. The agency’s labs are not only poorly equipped, but the existing equipment is inadequate and outdated. The agency has become a non-entity; if the fake immunoglobulin samples were tested for identity at a minimum, for example, the debacle that ensued could have been averted.

We must hold all three branches of the government responsible for the erosion of this institution; they have not done their job. They are expected to be independent bodies providing checks and balances. Somewhere along the way, they all got together and colluded to hoodwink us, the people. The situation we are in is no accident: besides the rampant corruption, Sri Lanka did not have a formal academic programme to train pharmacists until recently. Initial efforts to start pharmacy programmes were opposed by the medical profession. Why? Because they viewed it as a threat to their hierarchy in the system. The agency’s laboratories were not maintained at adequate levels because the politicians saw it as an impediment to their nefarious activities. Let us have no illusions that our government, all three branches, were responsible for creating the national ecosystem that made cGMP in state-owned organisations a complete mockery. We the people are responsible as well; after elections, we pay no attention to governance till the next election. If they throw some bones at us, we let them do what they wish. Ignorance reigns throughout.

Fortunately, things have changed favourably. The judiciary liberated itself from the political grip, people cleaned up the rotten politics as best they could. The new President has sent a stern signal that things will be different. He did not send his beloved mother to Singapore for treatment at taxpayer’s expense as previous rulers did. What else is missing? The role of one and a half million civil servants of the country. They have an enormous responsibility at this critical juncture not to let the word bureaucracy become another dirty word like the elite. They are the men and women, our relatives, friends, and colleagues who carry out the day-to-day business of the government. They are expected to be experts in their respective fields and perform their duties according to standard operating procedures without any political bias. The president or the 225 members of the parliament alone cannot run the country no matter how well-meaning their intentions are.

Power of people to make change

We the people have the power to replace the president and the members of the parliament, but we cannot hire or fire bureaucrats. Our system is such that they enjoy lifelong employment regardless of their performance. They get promoted and their pay increases automatically irrespective of their performance. This lack of responsibility is not sustainable. In addition, we must recognize the fact that due to our entrenched practice of political favoritism, some positions were filled with people who are not qualified to carry out their duties. That is not acceptable in any place, but in the drug safety business, which is a recipe for disaster. Therefore, we must recognize the administration’s right to retrain or replace those who do not meet their job descriptions, irrespective of their political affiliations, for the good of the country. That may be unpleasant, but that is the reality.

We must plan for building this expertise in the country. Pharmacy education in our universities must be expanded to include the pharmaceutics functions, especially the analytical aspects. The opportunity exists for the local manufacture of most widely used drugs. That will need expertise on many subjects at various levels. We must develop a culture that encourages innovation; there are many unmet needs as well as opportunities in this field. For example, there is the opportunity to bring Ayurvedic practices to the twenty-first century and add value. Health care is one of the largest industries consuming about 10% of the GDP of most developed countries.

There is no argument that we must procure our drugs from the most affordable sources. However, it must be kept in mind that they are less expensive due to cost-cutting measures taken by the manufacturers, and that could have implications for quality. Therefore, it is paramount that we maintain the integrity of the quality control functions at our end to assure the safety and efficacy of the drugs made available to the patients. This is especially important with the intravenous drugs as there is no room for error; once the drug is injected, there is no way to take it back. Investing in qualified personnel, training, and upgrading the agency’s testing capabilities could be negligible compared to the waste of funds spent on subpar drugs and the suffering they cause.



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Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

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An anti-Hamas people’s protest in the Gaza. (BBC)

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.

It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.

In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.

What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.

The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.

Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.

Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.

However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.

Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.

The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.

Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.

Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.

President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.

In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.

Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.

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Chikungunya Fever in Children

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Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.

Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.

When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.

The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.

A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.

In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.

Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.

There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.

While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.

The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.

Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.

Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.

Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.

Dr B. J. C. Perera 

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)

Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal

Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)

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The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

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Prof. Obeyesekere

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:

(Continued from yesterday)

Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.

At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:

1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.

2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.

These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.

The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?

When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:

1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.

2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.

3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.

The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.

Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.

Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.

The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.

In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.

What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?

The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.

The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.

Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.

Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.

BY GAMINI KEERAWELLA

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