News

Protests in China are not rare – but the current unrest is significant

Published

4 years ago

2022/12/4

Thilina Walpola

By Teresa Wright

Professor of Political Science,
California State University,
Long Beach

Street protests across China have evoked memories of the Tiananmen Square demonstrations that were brutally quashed in 1989. Indeed, foreign media have suggested the current unrest sweeping cities across China is unlike anything seen in the country since that time.The implication is that protest in China is a rarity. Meanwhile, the Nov. 30, 2022, death of Jiang Zemin – the leader brought in after the bloody crackdown on 1989 – gives further reason to reflect on how China has changed since the Tiananmen Square massacre, and how Communist party leaders might react to unrest now.

But how uncommon are these recent public actions? And how do they compare with the massive weekslong demonstrations of 1989?

Having written extensively on protest in China, I can attest that protests in China are not at all uncommon – but that doesn’t make what is happening now any less significant. Alongside similarities between the current street actions and more typical protests of recent years, there are also parallels between the demonstrations today and those in 1989. Yet differences in China’s international status and domestic leadership reduce the chances for liberal democratic transformation now.

The current protests are ostensibly about the Chinese government’s strict “zero COVID” policies. They were triggered by a deadly fire in the northwestern city of Urumqi on Nov. 24, with some residents blaming lockdown rules for hampering rescue efforts. Unrest has since spread to multiple cities, including Beijing and Shanghai.

The specifics are unique to the pandemic. But in many respects, what we are seeing is not new or unusual – protests, in general, are not rare in China.In fact, from 1990 through the present, popular protests have been more frequent and widespread in China than they were in the years leading up to the Tiananmen Square-centered demonstrations.

According to Chinese government statistics, the yearly count of domestic “mass incidents” or “public order disturbances” – euphemisms used to refer to everything from organized crime to street protests – rose from 5,000 to 10,000 in the early 1990s to 60,000 to 100,000 by the early 2000s.

Despite the lack of official numbers since 2006 – which ceased to be published after that year – verbal statements by Chinese officials and research by scholars and nongovernment organizations estimate the number of yearly protests to have remained in the high tens-of-thousands.This is not to say the recent multi-city protests are unsurprising or insignificant. To the contrary, the current media spotlight is, I believe, well-deserved.

Nearly all the thousands of protests appearing every year in the post-Tiananmen Square period have been localized and focused on specific material issues. They occur, for example, when villagers feel they are unfairly compensated for land acquisitions, when private sector workers are not paid, or when residents suffer from environmental degradation caused by waste incinerators.In contrast, the anti-lockdown protests have emerged in numerous cities – reporting by CNN suggests there have been at least 23 demonstrations in 17 cities. They are also all focused on the same issue: COVID-19 restrictions. Moreover, they are targeted at central Party leaders and official government policy.

For the closest parallels in terms of size of protest, one has to go back to the late 1990s and early 2000s.From 1998 to 2002, tens of thousands of state-owned enterprise workers in at least 10 Chinese provinces demonstrated against layoffs and enforced early retirements. And in 1999, roughly 10,000 members of the now-banned spiritual movement Falun Gong amassed in central Beijing to protest their suppression and demand legal recognition.

But these protests were directed at issues that specifically affected only these groups and did not critique China’s top political leaders or system as a whole.The only post-1989 examples of overt collective political dissent – that is, public action calling for fundamental change to the mainland’s Chinese Communist Party-led political system – have been exceedingly small and transpired off the streets. In 1998, activists formed the China Democracy Party, declaring it a new political party to usher in liberal democratic multi-party governance. Though the party persisted openly for roughly six months, establishing a national committee and branches in 24 provinces and cities, its leaders ultimately were arrested and the party driven underground.

A decade later, a group of intellectuals led by writer Liu Xiaobo posted online a manifesto called “Charter 08” advocating for liberal democratic political reform. Liu, who later received the Nobel Peace Prize, was jailed as a result. He remained in prison until his death, from untreated cancer, in 2017.

And while the massive and sustained protests in Hong Kong over the past decade exemplify political dissent, protesters’ demands have remained confined to political reform in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.So how much do the current anti-lockdown protests resemble the demonstrations that shook the regime in the spring of 1989?

Both have involved urban residents from various walks of life, including university students and blue-collar workers.

And in each case, the demands of protesters have been mixed. They include specific material complaints: In 1989, it was the impacts of inflation; in 2022, it is the effects of lockdowns and incessant PCR testing.But they also include broader calls for political liberalization, such as freedom of expression.

Indeed in some ways, the protesters of 2022 are being more pointed in their political demands. Those on the streets of at least two major cities have called on President Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party to step down. Demonstrators in 1989 refrained from such system-threatening rhetoric.

That reflects the changing political realities of China then and now. In early 1989, Party leadership clearly was split, with more reform-oriented leaders such as Zhao Ziyang perceived as sharing the activists’ vision for change. As such, demonstrators saw a way of achieving their aims within the communist system and without a wholesale change in leadership.

The contrast with today is stark: Xi has a firm grip on the party. Even if Xi were to miraculously step down, there is no clear opposition leader or faction to replace him. And if the party were to fall, the resultant political void is more likely to bring chaos than orderly political transformation.

Yet if the Chinese Communist Party is a different entity now than it was in 1989, its response to unrest shares some traits. Central authorities in 1989 blamed the protests on foreign “black hands” seeking to destabilize China. The same accusations have been raised in online posts now.

In fact, the government response to recent protests follows a pattern that has played out time and again in post-1989 protests. There is little to no official media coverage of the protests or acknowledgment by central Chinese Communist Party leaders. At the same time, local authorities attempt to identify and punish protest leaders while treating regular participants as well-intended and non-threatening. Central criticism – and possible sanction – of local officials portrayed as violating national policies follows. Meanwhile, there are moves to at least partially address protester grievances.It is a messy and inefficient way to respond to public concerns – but it has become the norm since 1989. (The Conversation)

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News

President chairs discussion on 2027 Budget Proposals for the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development

Published

8 hours ago

2026/07/16

Priyan

A pre-Budget discussion to review the progress of projects implemented under the 2026 Budget allocations for the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development and to discuss proposals for the 2027 Budget was held under the patronage of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the Presidential Secretariat on Monday (13) afternoon.

The progress of projects implemented by each division of the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development and the institutions under its purview using the 2026 Budget allocations, as well as proposals for the 2027 Budget, were reviewed separately during the discussion.

The President also focused on the current status of the programme to establish industrial zones in areas including Dambulla, Ingiriya, Valachchenai, Millaniya and Katunayake. Discussions centred on issues that have arisen in allocating land and developing infrastructure, including electricity, water and roads, as well as the urgent measures required to resolve these issues.

President Dissanayake instructed officials to make every effort to complete all projects already initiated under the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development within the stipulated timeframes. He also highlighted the need to clearly identify the Government’s role and limitations in relation to the industrial sector.

Attention was also drawn to the current situation regarding the development of state-owned enterprises, while issues affecting the sugar and salt industries and alternative proposals to address them were also discussed.

The current status of the process to consolidate institutions under the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development was also reviewed. The President pointed out that large institutions had been established at different times to meet various needs, ultimately creating a situation in which such institutions had to be maintained using taxpayers’ money.

He stressed that the consolidation of these institutions should not only improve their efficiency but should also result in a relative reduction in operational expenditure compared with the costs incurred prior to consolidation.

Officials also briefed the President on the proposal to establish the Entrepreneurship and Industry Transformation Authority (EITA) and the programme proposed under the Authority.

Attention was also focused on the challenges faced by exporters and industrialists in carrying out their activities. The President instructed officials to submit proposals on general concessions that could be provided to encourage exporters and industrialists.

The President further pointed out that Sri Lanka could develop distinctive expertise by identifying several key areas within the industrial sector and providing the facilities necessary for their development.

Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Sunil Handunnetti; Minister of Labour and Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Anil Jayantha Fernando; Deputy Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Chathuranga Abeysinghe; Secretary to the President Dr Nandika Sanath Kumanayake; Chief of Presidential Staff Prabath Chandrakeerthi; Senior Additional Secretary to the President Russell Aponsu; Secretary to the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development Dr Harshana Suriyapperuma; and Secretary to the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Thilaka Jayasundara, along with officials from the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development, participated in the discussion.

[PMD]

News

Prime Minister meets the Amir of the State of Qatar and conveys condolences on the passing of the Father Emir

Published

8 hours ago

2026/07/16

Priyan

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, visited the State of Qatar to convey condolences on the passing of the Father Emir, at Lusail Palace in Doha on Wednesday (15 July).

Upon her arrival, the Prime Minister was received by His Highness Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, Minister of Interior of the State of Qatar. The Prime Minister subsequently met with His Highness the Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani.

During the meeting, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya conveyed to the Emir the deepest condolences of the Government and the people of Sri Lanka on the passing of the Father Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani.

The occasion was attended by the Deputy Emir of the State of Qatar Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad Al Thani; Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani; Hassan bin Abdullah Al Ghanim, Speaker of the Shura Council; senior members of the Royal Family.

[Prime Minister’s Media Division]

News

Current El Niño Status in Sri Lanka

Published

20 hours ago

2026/07/16

Priyan

At present, El Niño conditions have developed and are classified as being at a weak level. Forecasts indicate a 63% probability of a very strong El Niño event developing during the period from November 2026 to January 2027. According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), there is approximately a one-third probability that El Niño will remain below a very strong intensity.

Typical Climatic Conditions Associated with El Niño
Based on analyses of past El Niño events that occurred between 1950 and 2025:
• Rainfall during July and August may be below normal, particularly in the dry zone areas.
• From October onward, rainfall is generally expected to be above normal.
• If a positive Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD) develops, enhanced rainfall conditions may continue until December.

Sectors Requiring Attention
• Appropriate measures should be taken for water resource management during July and August.
• Increased rainfall expected from October onward may lead to floods and landslides, requiring preparedness and close monitoring. The forecasts are important for sectors such as, Agriculture /Water management /Livestock /Health /Energy /Other climate-sensitive sectors
• Attention should be paid to official information issued by the Department of Meteorology.

Actions by the Department of Meteorology
The Department of Meteorology continuously monitors the evolving situation and issues:
• Weekly and monthly seasonal forecasts and Monthly analyses of rainfall data to monitor meteorological drought conditions.
As weather conditions are influenced not only by El Niño but also by other climatic factors, updated forecasts and advisories are regularly shared with relevant stakeholder organizations (Irrigation/ Water Management Committee /Department of Agriculture/National Building Research Institute/Disaster Management Centre (DMC)/Ministry of Health /Sri Lanka Land Development Corporation…etc). The Department also provides technical support to the committee established through a Cabinet decision to address climate-related impacts. The Department’s monthly rainfall outlook for July to September 2026 is attached

Monthly Rainfall Forecasts for July, August and September 2026
Month Rainfall forecast
July 2026

During July 2026, there is a higher probability of having near normal rainfall across most parts of the Western and Southern Provinces. The remainder of the country is expected to experience below normal rainfall.

August 2026

There is a higher probability of having below normal rainfall across most parts of the country during month of August 2026.

September 2026

There is a possibility of above-normal rainfall across most parts of the Western and Southern Provinces, while near-normal rainfall is expected in the Sabaragamuwa Province. Below-normal rainfall is likely in the remaining areas during September 2026.

Note: These long-range forecasts may change due to strong day-to-day atmospheric variability associated with the movement of weather systems such as atmospheric disturbances, low-pressure areas, and depressions, as well as intra-seasonal oscillations such as the Madden–Julian Oscillation (MJO). Therefore, in addition to the weekly and monthly forecasts, it is important to pay attention to the Department’s official announcements, weather advisories and warnings, as well as the daily weather forecasts issued by the Department of Meteorology.