Midweek Review
President’s agenda on track
In the wake of the SLPP reiterating its commitment to President Wickremesinghe, two groups of MPs – New Alliance and the SLFP among the ruling party – announced their partnership at a meeting held at Ambalantota on Saturday (08). Among the lawmakers present were Leader of the House Susil Premjayantha, Agriculture Minister Mahinda Amaraweera, Trade Minister Nalin Fernando, SLFP leader (Chairman) and Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva and Nimal Lanza, who spearheaded the move, along with Anura Priyadarshana Yapa. Their common agenda is obviously for the Wickreemsinghe’s benefit and at the expense of the SLPP, the Opposition, as well as the Maithripala Sirisena camp, now more or less a spent force due to his own doings, especially when it came to betrayals.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The outcome of the recent vote on the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill proved that President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s agenda cannot be reversed as long as the Sri Lanka Podujuna Peramuna (SLPP) continued to back him for whatever reasons.
Of the 225 MPs in Parliament, 103 voted for the Bill on June 06. Only one UNPer (Wajira Abeywardena) was among them. The government was deprived of one vote by Kandy District MP Mahindananda Aluthgamage who sent fellow Kandy district lawmaker Gunatilleke Rajapaksa to the Military Hospital on the evening of June 03. The alleged assault on Gunatilleke Rajapaksa received front-page attention of all print media, while the electronic media, particularly the social media, thrived on the incident.
On the following day, the Public Debt Management Bill was passed without a division. Posting on ‘X’ (formerly Twitter), State Finance Minister Shehan Semasinghe declared that the Bill will provide for Public Debt Management, including the authorization to borrow, issue and to service the public debt. It would also enable issuing guarantees, on-lending, enter into suppliers’ credit and financial lease agreements for the establishment of the Public Debt Management Office and for matters connected therewith.
In spite of having just one MP, President Wickremesinghe ensured the enactment of new laws with the SLPP’s support. If National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa’s recent declaration that under Wickremesinghe’s watch 75 new laws had been enacted is true, the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill is the 76th law pushed through by the Wickremesinghe-led regime.
However, the one-day debate and the vote on the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill – the first division shown after SLPP leader Mahinda Rajapaksa’s declaration on May 12 against rushing through with new legislation on the eve of a major national election and despite grave shortcomings pointed out by the Supreme Court determination – demonstrated that the SLPP would stand by President Wickremesinghe.
No less than twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa voted for the controversial Bill that the SC determined is inconsistent with the Constitution as a whole. Against the backdrop of the Rajapaksa-led move on June 06 in Parliament, his May 12 two-page declaration against ‘The sale of national assets and state-owned enterprises’ is irrelevant. In other words, the SLPP has discarded its own declaration.
What really compelled the Rajapaksas to vote for the Bill, in spite of allegations that the new law is intended to facilitate the Adani Group, led by billionaire Gautam Adani, whose Adani Green Energy, the renewable energy unit secured approval in February 2023 to invest $442 million and develop the 484 megawatt wind power plants in Mannar and Pooneryn.
Jathika Jana Balawegaya MP Vijitha Herath during the June 6 debate alleged that the new law was introduced to facilitate Adani operations here.
Former Speaker Chamal Rajapaksa and his son Shashendra Rajapaksa voted for the Bill whereas SLPP’s National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa quite conveniently skipped the vote. The lawmaker, aspiring to be party leader and their presidential candidate, owed the discerning public an explanation why he missed that vote. Having skipped the June 06 vote, Namal Rajapaksa appeared on stage at an SLPP meeting held in Rattota on Saturday (08) where he vowed to pursue the SLPP strategy. The National Organizer was surrounded by SLPP MPs who voted for Wickreemsinghe’s Bill a few days before. In the run-up to the June 06 vote, MP Namal Rajapaksa declared that Wickremesinghe was appointed as the President only up to the time for the next national election.
Regardless of the SC finding fault with the Bill, President’s Counsels – Foreign Minister Ali Sabry and Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse and several other lawyers in the SLPP group voted for that Bill.
Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa should be seriously concerned over his failure to ensure all his MPs, excluding Harin Fernando and Manusha Nanayakkara, voted against that Bill. If not for the SLPP dissidents and the three-member JJB group, the Opposition would have been embarrassed by an extremely poor show. The SJB won 54 seats, including seven National List slots at the last General Election. But over one fourth of them were missing at the time of the vote.
The Opposition should realize that President Wickremesinghe needed that Bill enacted at any cost, regardless of the consequences, as his political agenda depends on it. That is the truth. Let me name those MPs who voted against President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Bill. The list prepared by the Chief Opposition Whip’s Office has been divided into three sections namely dissident SLPP MPs, JJB MPs and SJB MPs.
The list of SLPP dissidents: Prof. G. L. Peiris, Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, Dr. Nalaka Godahewa, Jayantha Samaraweera, Wasantha Yapa Bandara, Chandima Weerakkody, Shan Wijeyalal de Silva, Dallas Alahapperuma, Weerasumana Weerasinghe, Dr. Upul Galappaththy, Thilak Rajapaksha, Gunapala Ratnasekera, Jayaratna Herath, Dayasiri Jayasekera, Prof. Channa Jayasumana, Sarath Kumara Siri, Dilan Perera, Gevindu Kumaratunga and Prof. Charitha Herath (altogether 20)
The list of JJB members: Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Vijitha Herath and Dr. Harini Amarasuriya (20+3)
The list of SJB members: Sajith Premadasa, Dr. Harsha de Silva, Patali Champika Ranawaka, Mano Ganeshan, S.M. Marikkar, Ajith Mannapperuma, Kavinda Jayawardena, Harshana Rajakaruna, Lakshman Kiriella, Abdul Haleem, Velu Kumar, Rohini Kaviratne, Palani Digambaram, V. Radhakrishnan, M. Udayakumar, Gayantha Karunatilleke, Buddhika Pathirana, Dilip Wedaarachchi, Imran Maharoof, M.S. Thawfeek, Asoka Abeysinghe, Thushara Indunil Amarasena, Nalin Bandara, Niroshan Perera, Hector Appuhamy, Kings Kumar Nelson, Varuna Priyantha Liyanage, Thalatha Atukorale, Hesha Vithanage, Kabir Hashim, Sujith Sanjaya Perera, Ranjith Madduma Bandara, Eran Wickremaratne, Mayantha Dissanayake and Mujibur Rahuman (23+3+36=59).
The entire 10-member Tamil National Alliance (TNA), in spite of being divided over various political and personal issues, backed Wickremesinghe’s Bill by skipping the vote. That group included another President’s Counsel. Mathiaparanan Abraham Sumanthiran is his name. The TNA, too, owed an explanation regarding its decision to be absent. Did India, in any way, advise the one-time LTTE’s partner to keep away from the crucial vote?
SLPP National List MP and business tycoon Dhammika Perera, widely believed to be interested in contesting the Presidential Polls, didn’t vote along with SLPP MP Maithripala Sirisena and SJB Chairman Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka.
Prez tightens his grip on SLPP
Wily President Wickremesinghe, like his late uncle and mentor JRJ, dubbed the 20th Century Fox, cannot be faulted for exploiting the SLPP to the hilt. Wickremesinghe’s strategy is certainly not rocket science. Having offered Wickremesinghe the premiership (in April 2022), Finance portfolio (May 2022) and Presidency (July 2022), the SLPP created an environment in which it simply has no option but to cohabit with the UNP leader.
How could the SLPP take a different stand on any bill presented on Wickremesinghe’s directives after having accepted him as the leader of its parliamentary group, head of the Cabinet and their saviour in the face of the murderous onslaught launched by Aragalaya. So is it the fear of another instigated Aragalaya, where they would be defenceless with the police and security forces turning the other way, that is holding them back, as happened on May 09, 2022?
In fact, opposing Wickremesinghe’s agenda is ridiculous against the backdrop of the party having accepted Cabinet portfolios, with MEP leader and PM Dinesh Gunawardena being the leader of the severely compromised SLPP parliamentary group. Two Finance State Ministers, namely Shehan Semasinghe and Ranjith Siyambalapitiya, are part of the Wickremesinghe team. Both obviously voted for the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill.
Last week’s high profile vote proved beyond doubt that at least for the time being Wickremesinghe and the SLPP are inseparable. MP Namal Rajapaksa, being the SLPP’s National Organizer, under no circumstances can absolve himself of the responsibility for the passage of the Bill. In a way, in the case of the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill, avoiding such an important Bill is, perhaps, far worse than voting for it. Why do MPs fail to turn up for important Bills that are of national significance? At the time of last week’s vote, 61 MPs hadn’t been present in Parliament, whereas SLPP MP Udayakantha Gunatilleke’s vote (Kegalle district) though being present was not marked.
The overall deterioration of the country can be gauged by the conduct of political parties represented in Parliament. The systematic decline over the past couple of decades has eroded public confidence in the House to such an extent, unless immediate remedial measures are taken, collectively, those now wielding power can expect an Aragalaya-type uprising. Dissident SLPP MP Gevindu Cumaratunga gave such a warning during the debate on the Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill.
The SLPP vote, on June 06 ,can be confidently declared as an outright rejection of the massive mandates that had been received at the 2019 presidential and 2020 parliamentary polls. The SLPP’s candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa handsomely won the contest by polling a staggering 6,924,255 (52.25%) whereas at the parliamentary election the party secured an overwhelming 145 seats. Regardless of their much touted assurance to reverse the Yahapalana economic policies, against the backdrop of Aragalaya, the SLPP has teamed-up with Wickremesinghe.
The SLPP’s bid to empower Wickremesinghe as a stopgap measure has backfired and now is threatening the very basis of the party. The June 06 vote has tied-up the SLPP with Wickremesinghe who seemed to have taken hold of the party, regardless of tough talk by some lawmakers over the past several months. The SLPP has suddenly realized that the entire political environment changed with Wickremesinghe vigorously pursuing an agenda at the SLPP’s expense. But, the top SLPP leadership (the Rajapaksas) fearing that a large chunk of their parliamentary group would switch allegiance to Wickremesinghe and voted for a controversial Bill to avert a damaging split.
Daunting challenge
The Opposition seems to be in disarray. The leader of the main Opposition party should muster all his MPs or be prepared to face the consequences. Wickremesinghe’s triumph in Parliament, on June 06, proved yet again that highly critical SC determinations in respect of controversial Bills that had been presented to Parliament cannot be efficiently exploited by the Opposition, primarily due to the SLPP-Wickremesinghe tie-up. That is the reality.
The SLPP’s stand on Wickremesinghe’s controversial Economic Transformation Bill (ETB) is clear. There is no ambiguity in the ruling party’s position on ETB though dissident SLFPers have been vigorously campaigning against it.
State Finance Minister Semasinghe’s recent declarations, in and outside Parliament, underscored the SLPP’s support for that Bill. While the Parliament voted for the Sri Lanka (Electricity) Amendment Bill on June 6 late afternoon, Wickremesinghe had been at Ekala, Ja-Ela, at the opening of a medicine producing facility where he emphasized the importance of ETB. SJB heavyweight Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, contemplating his next move in a dicey political environment, was with Wickremesinghe. Another SJB dissident, Harin Fernando, now a Cabinet Minister, participated at the event. Both Dr. Senaratne and Harin Fernando were among those who missed the vote.
Wickremesinghe and the SLPP have stayed together though many speculated of a break-up of the alliance over the President’s refusal to accommodate a list of MPs in the cabinet – a request made in July 2022, immediately after he was sworn in as the President to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term. Relations further deteriorated in the wake of Wickremesinghe turning down the SLPP’s plea to advance the General Election ahead of the Presidential Poll. But, the fear of the Opposition exploiting a break-up has compelled the SLPP to remain committed to Wickremesinghe. As the Chief Government Whip Prasanna Ranatuga declared on many occasions, the SLPP should throw its weight behind Wickremesinghe at the Presidential Poll.
Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s June 06 vote, there cannot be any other reason whatsoever not to officially declare support for Wickremesinghe.
With the Presidential Poll now inevitable, though Wickremesinghe’s Camp sought to influence speculation on a referendum on holding of the poll, political parties, and even MPs, seem busy in seeking arrangements with the powers that be. SJB MP A.H.M. Fowzie’s stand on Sri Lanka Electricity (Amendment) Bill is a case in point.
Among the 103 MPs who voted for Wckremesinghe’s Bill were several elected on other party tickets. Colombo District lawmaker Fowzie, who entered Parliament early last year to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Mujibur Rahuman, voted with the SLPP parliamentary group.
In spite of Nazeer Ahmed of SLMC losing his Batticaloa district seat in Oct last year, on SC judgment, MPs still continue the despicable practice. SC faulted Ahamed for voting for the SLPP Budget 2021, regardless of an SLMC decision to vote against. Wickremesinghe rewarded him with comfortable office-Governor of the North Western Province.
President Wickremesinghe is on record as having said that the ETB intends to ensure the political parties do not deviate on economic policy that had been forced on the incumbent government due to economic fallout. Then there must be a consensus on members switching sides at will for their convenience, at the expense of those who voted for them and the parties they represented.
MP Cumaratunga’s June 06 speech in Parliament highlighted the pathetic state in the House. The first time entrant to Parliament pointed out the failure on the part of Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to provide an opportunity for MPs to express their views on this piece of legislation. Cumaratunga fiercely attacked the Speaker for not extending the debate by another day. The Yuthukama leader questioned the chair whether he, Cumaratunga, was allocated five minutes to silence him.
However, the dissident MP must be told that even if the debate on that particular Bill had been extended by another day, the outcome wouldn’t have been any different. The SLPP has been compelled to go along with Wickremesinghe, at least for the time being. No one should be surprised if the SLPP declared its support for Wickremesinghe soon after the Election Commission announces the Presidential Election in a few weeks.
The inordinate delay in the SLPP’s announcement indicated that the party remained unsure of its strategy and may go along with Wickremesinghe, as repeatedly suggested by Minister Prasanna Ranatunga.
It would be pertinent to mention that among those who voted for Wickremesinghe’s Bill were another group of dissident MPs seeking to reach an agreement with the President in respect of both presidential and parliamentary polls. That group includes Nimal Lanza, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and Education Minister Susil Premjayantha who is also the Leader of the House and Trade Minister Nalin Bandara.
The SLPP initially backed Wickremesinghe without hesitation. Some even went to the extent of finding fault with Gotabaya Rajapaksa for being inexperienced. The party felt confident of Wickremesinghe’s leadership as he was expected to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term and leave. Obviously, the SLPP didn’t expect a political threat from Wickremesinghe. In fact, some even asserted that Wickremesinghe would be grateful to the SLPP for choosing him. Ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in his memoirs declared Wickremesinghe as the best person to restore law and order.
But a slew of new laws enacted over the past two years has strengthened Wickremesinghe’s hands and tied the SLPP to the UNP leader. The passage of the Online Safety Bill, the Domestic Debt Optimisation (DDO) Bill and the Inland Revenue (Amendment) Act No. 14 of 2023 were among the laws that couldn’t have been approved without the SLPP’s backing.
Regardless of challenges, Wickremesinghe has succeeded in maintaining tight control over his partnership with the SLPP. That is a situation some cannot stomach but they cannot do anything about it, for the moment.
Midweek Review
Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative
Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.
On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.
Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?
The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.
Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.
April 8, 2019 meeting
Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?
Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.
That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.
The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”
In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.
The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)
Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.
During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.
Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.
The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.
Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya
For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.
Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).
Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.
Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.
Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.
The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.
The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.
Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.
Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.
Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)
Bombshell claim
Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.
But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)
Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.
The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.
The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.
Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.
The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.
On Wickremesinghe’s path
Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.
The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.
Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?
Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency. Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights. But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”
It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention. It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change. The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.
My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?
Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.
He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”
Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”
That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.
He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?
Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”
But this is not true, is it? Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have. The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.
It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality. He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”
While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.
It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.
At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.
He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.
Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.
As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.
As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.
Midweek Review
The MAD Spectre
Lo and behold the dangerous doings,
Of our most rational of animals,
Said to be the pride of the natural order,
Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,
Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,
Now vexing the earth and international waters,
With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,
But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,
And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.
By Lynn Ockersz
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