Features
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION:
TACTICAL ERRORS OF SJB AND UNP CAMPAIGNS
by Merril Gunaratne
Senior DIG Police (Retired)
The propaganda which possibly helped the NPP leader to overcome SJB and UNP leaders was their capacity to aggressively agitate against many features of an ‘’iniquitous system’’ which people attributed to have been responsible for the bankruptcy of the country. They also exploited the belief of people that members of political groups or traditional parties which exchanged political power in turn, enjoyed perquisites and privileges associated with the “system”, while citizens suffered under the weight of the economic collapse. The “Aragalaya’’ of May 1922 heralded the emergence on a pervasive scale of hatred against the ‘’system”. The NPP took notice, and their campaign against it did not abate till the conclusion of the election.
The bankruptcy of the country was attributed by people to shortsighted policies, lack of vision, graft, corruption and abuse of the law. The ostentatious lifestyles of members of established or traditional parties when in power, was exposed as a telling contrast to the plight of the people suffering under the weight of the economic crisis. People also believed that members of traditional parties, be they in power or in opposition ranks, often interfered with the law to help out those on the mat for various forms of transgressions. The term “DEALS’’ was coined to label such efforts.
The hoarding of money, transfer of ill gotten assets abroad, invocation of the law to treat the influential and the powerful differently, chronic failure to bring influential offenders to book, and the exposure of the affluent who evaded taxes and were responsible for unpaid bank loans, became ample material for NPP propaganda.
Aggressive propaganda was also directed at the allocation of luxury houses for retiring presidents, the payment of pensions to them, ministers and MP’S, and the allocation of limitless security staff and official vehicles for motorcades of VIPs. An example would be the allocation for travel of the outgoing president – three helicopters and over 10 official vehicles. Wives of many in senior echelons of the polity also enjoy such benefits.
In fact, wives of senior officers in the services and the police too are no exception. Such abuse offers a stark contrast against the backdrop of intense poverty in the county. It is natural for people steeped in misery to express disgust at such ostentation, extravagance, pomp and glory. The NPP also attacked the chronic practice of children and relatives of politicians being appointed to various positions in the parliament, state services and corporations.
The failures of governments to conclude inquires and bring offenders to book in respect of the Easter Sunday explosions, murders of Lasantha Wickramatunga and Thajudeen, and the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda, were exploited for effective propaganda by the NPP.
Amidst the successful propaganda of the NPP from early May 2022, the grievances embodied in the iniquitous system became strong rallying points for elections. At the time of the presidential election, the public perception that stability, prosperity and honesty of purpose could be restored only by a new set of political leaders and culture distant from traditional parties, had begun to enter the public consciousness.
When assailing the ‘’iniquitous system” the NPP enjoyed an advantage over the SJB and the UNP, for they could point out that they did not enjoy any of the perquisites and privileges of the hated system, and would also not succumb to ‘’deals’’.
How hatred against the ‘’System’’ grew pervasively
Citizens voted the coalition of Maitripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe to power in 2015 on their election pledge that corruption, abuse and politically manipulated murders during the Rajapaksa regime will be fully investigated. For mysterious reasons, all such inquiries were stalled, including the Easter Sunday explosions which occurred in 2019. These failures began to influence voters into believing that though rivals, members of established parties often helped each other. I believe the coining of the term ‘’DEALS’’ to describe such collusion, had its roots after 2015.
The crises which occurred after 2019- the covid epidemic and bankruptcy – galvanized hatred against the pernicious system. The NPP, untainted as practitioners of the system, gained rapid propaganda ground over the SJB. Their effective propaganda, stoked hatred not only against the ‘’system’’, but also the parties which indulged in it.
The SJB propaganda campaign
The SJB evidently failed to discern that the clamour for eradication of the system had emerged as the strongest rallying point for the election. Instead of identifying and addressing obnoxious features of the system adequately, they concentrated more on relief and economic measures, and criticism of the NPP. The absence of criticism of many pernicious features of the system may have been perceived by voters that SJB cadre, or at least some of them, were not averse to enjoying benefits which accrue from the ‘’system’’. To add to their woes, they did not consider it inappropriate to accommodate a few questionable MPs’ from other political groups into their fold.
Overall, it was possible to perceive that they had overlooked the slogan that had emerged as the main rallying point for the election. The NPP therefore may have had an open field in the run up to the election.
The propaganda of the UNP
Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe pitched his campaign on economics. His laudable effort to stabilise the economy from its parlous state, and the propaganda that followed, may have given him a vote of 17%. It was however grossly inadequate to challenge the first two contenders. However beneficial his contribution was, his performance was judged by a populace suffering under the weight of unbearable COL, exorbitant prices of food, medicine and materials, and taxes.
But opportunity for him to be a serious challenge to the current president slipped from his hands because he failed to address the issues and grievances collectively called the “system”, after assuming power. He failed to read the pulse of the people and the undertones to protests, upon assuming power. Many people at the time were sick and tired of “the system”, and desired members of traditional parties driven away from parliament, considering them to be addicts of it. But Ranil Wickramasinghe concentrated only on economics and suppression of dissent. He also either ignored addressing aspects of the “system”, or turned a blind eye to it’s practise by those in government ranks. Therefore, having gone along with the “system”, he could not reverse his role and agitate against it, in his political campaign for the presidential election.
Excerpts from one of my articles on 19 th March 19, 2023.
I have enclosed in a “BOX”, brief excerpts from a piece I wrote to the ” Sunday Island” of March 19, 2023. I had therein emphasised that following “Aragalaya”, the eradication of features of the “hated system” was emerging as the main political slogan, and that the public were veering towards new faces not associated with traditional parties to take over governance.
I had also predicted that unless the government addressed the grievances connected with the decrepit system to mollify the masses, popular support may shift from the government and traditional parties. If former President Wickremesinghe had addressed at least some features of the “system” while achieving economic recovery, he may have offered a strong challenge to President Anura Kumara Disanayake at the presidential election.
An overview
The removal of the “hated system” took centre stage over economics and religion. The cry “Anti system” resonated more powerfully than the “threat to Buddhism” which the SJB espoused. Even the plans for economic resurgence, ably extolled by Harsha de Silva and Eran Wickramaratne for the SJB, were not adequate to overcome the main political slogan. Alleviation of abject poverty was an effective battlecry, but the predominant demand of the people was to eliminate the “system” totally. It was also considered the main factor for the economic collapse. In a broad context, people saw the election as a battle between protagonists and antagonists of the “system”.
Forthcoming general election
President Anura Kumara Disanayaka has already commenced dismantling obnoxious features of the “system”. Therefore the NPP may grow itsr vote base at general elections.
The SJB and UNP may be engaged in “intra” and “inter” party rivalries, which in effect may impact on their fortunes at elections. The theoretical assumption that UNP and SJB, if they join hands, may make them impregnable may not be totally correct, for the battle may be a straight fight between protagonists and antagonists of the “hated system”. The same argument may have been valid if the SJB and UNP had joined hands before the presidential election.
(The writer before retirement was Director General of Intelligence and Security, based in Ministry of Defence from 1986 to1989 and after retirement, Defence Advisor in MOD fro 2001 to 2003.)
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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