Features

President Wickremesinghe has his moment

Published

4 years ago

2023/03/26

By Uditha Devapriya

Sir Humphrey Appleby: There is no reason to change a system that has worked so well in the past!
Jim Hacker: But it hasn’t.
Sir Humphrey Appleby: But… we’ve got to give the present system a fair trial!
Jim Hacker: Ah yes, I thought you might say that. It may interest you to know, Humphrey, that the Most Noble Order of the Garter was founded in 1348 by King Edward the Third. I think perhaps it may be coming towards the end of its trial period now, don’t you?
— “Yes Minister”

For President Ranil Wickremesinghe, March has been an exceptionally good month. First China gave its assurance for his government’s debt restructuring plans. Then his school, Royal College, won its annual cricket encounter with S. Thomas’ College for the first time in six years, and by a wide margin. On account of that victory, and in keeping with tradition, he declared Monday, March 20, a holiday for his school. The following day, March 21, the IMF finally gave its approval for an Extended Fund Facility (EFF), amounting to USD 2.9 billion. Sri Lanka’s Facebook community were characteristically witty on that occasion, with some even suggesting that the President declare Tuesday a holiday for the country.

By all accounts, this is the President’s big moment, and he knows it. In his speech after the IMF’s announcement, he urged everyone to cooperate with the government, and by extension the IMF, and to extend support for his plans to restructure the economy and help it recover. Colombo’s business elites responded favourably to the news, with massive, nearly unprecedented gains in the Stock Exchange and the rupee. Bondholders responded favourably as well, while bodies such as the Chamber of Commerce issued communiques welcoming the bailout and unequivocally urging trade unions, workers’ collectives, and civil society in general to help the government get on with its business.

Over the last six months, President Wickremesinghe has been busy consolidating his power. He has so far not wavered in his quest to establish himself at the centre, and has taken it upon himself to promote stability at whatever price, resorting to every trick in the political book to enforce his rule and silence his critics. In this, he has been helped by a fragmented Opposition. The country’s main Opposition, the SJB, remains as divided as ever on the economic reforms his government has proposed and is implementing. Immediately after the IMF gave its approval, for instance, a prominent MP welcomed the bailout, underscored the need to set aside political differences to “get the job done”, and regretted that the previous regime, led by Gotabaya Rajapaksa, did not go the IMF sooner.

Mr Wickremesinghe has always been the bête noire of Sri Lanka’s formidable, relentless, activist trade unions. There has never been any love lost between the two. Yet even here, there is something of a silence over what the unions intend on doing. On March 15, the day the President’s school organised a massive cycle parade and an even more extravagant vehicle parade – an event revived, so I am told, after a long time – several unions took to the street and threatened a continuous strike. Underlying these protests was a palpable sense of anger and discontent at a government that seems content in making the public sector, in particular its professionals, pay for the sins of the past. While the economic establishment criticised the protests and questioned the unions’ stance on taxes, unions themselves were divided over the trajectory of the strike: some wanted it to continue, while others, including the JVP-NPP’s Lal Kantha, preferred a “wait and see” approach.

The unions may have been divided, but their critics, particularly from Colombo’s right-wing establishment circles, are as united as ever. A few leading faces of this establishment have, again and again, tweeted or posted their support for anti-protest legislation, invoking the typical upper-class diatribe against strikes that “inconvenience” the public. To be sure, these protests have inconvenienced the general public, and a not inconsiderable section of the latter are tired and weary about protests and strikes. But this is not 2017, when the country witnessed an outpouring of strikes against private education and the then regime’s decision to sign a concession agreement over the Hambantota Port. There is no disjuncture now between what the unions want and what the public wants. Both are opposed to the tax hikes, and both want a better deal from political elites. Every other talking point – including whether the critique of the tax hikes is fair – seems at best peripheral.

Dovetailing with all these developments have been important debates, and discussions, over the IMF’s intervention in the country. Several months ago, this writer noted, in this column, that Colombo’s civil society had pinned its hopes on the IMF to promote its visions and narratives of human rights, good governance, and democratic accountability. But the IMF is not in the business of promoting these values: its mandate is manifestly economic. Against that backdrop, political reforms remain a secondary concern. On the other hand, however, the people are demanding political reforms, and they have been angered by the government’s postponement of elections. The IMF’s approval of the recent tax hikes – the locus, then as now, of popular anger and hatred at the government – has not improved matters. Perhaps responding to these developments, the IMF, in its most recent despatch, has denied rumours of intervening in the country’s electoral process, suggesting there is no fundamental disconnect between political and economic reforms.

Proponents of the President’s current policy of stability at any price – those I’d like to call the Stability Brigade – are not entirely wrong in their assertion that IMF reforms take time and thus need to be given a fair trial. But how long should this trial be? Sri Lanka has been to the IMF some 16 times before: it has completed only about half of them. While critics of the Fund and the government’s austerity overdrive are complaining, rightly, that it’s the poor and vulnerable – communities whom the IMF has urged governments to look after – who feel the brunt of neoliberal reforms, advocates of IMF intervention have pointed out that the IMF has been a little too soft on the government’s commitment to those reforms. There is a fundamental contradiction here, an almost impassable ideological gap.

Against that backdrop, certain commentators have advocated a middle way, a compromise between critics and advocates of untrammelled IMF intervention. Professor Mick Moore, in a recent piece to Groundviews, for example, argues that an IMF deal that places emphasis on wealth taxes, greater social equity and cohesion, and more political accountability, can and will make the organisation “work for Sri Lankans.” While I am generally sceptical of the IMF’s capacity for change and reform – as Yanis Varoufakis and Jayati Ghosh pointed out in a recent LSE forum, there is a regrettable disconnect between its rhetoric on equity and its actual stance on equity vis-à-vis the “bitter medicine” it prescribes for debt-ridden countries. I concede Moore’s point that it is counterproductive to stop engaging with the Fund once you have gone to it, and that even within the limits imposed by it, the government can and should be doing much more to ensure less pain for its people.

Yet my scepticism remains. The IMF’s trysts with neoliberal shock therapy – popularly called the Washington Consensus – in the 1980s pushed countries in Africa and Asia towards rather than away from crisis. This later converted some of the organisation’s most fervent advocates, including Joseph Stiglitz, Dan Rodrik, Robert Reich, and Robert Wade, towards other, alternative economic development theories. It is significant that Stiglitz cautioned the yahapalana administration, under Ranil Wickremesinghe’s premiership, to fundamentally transform and restructure the economy, and to make it more production- and innovation-oriented: in other words, to take it away from the Washington Consensus. This advice was of course never heeded. Meanwhile, as Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka has pointed out in a recent essay in the DailyFT (“IMF and accountability”), the IMF has itself limited its mandate to the domain of economic reform, rather than political-electoral reform.

The horses, in any case, have bolted from the stables. In that context, what are we to do? The IMF has given Sri Lanka a bailout on which the establishment has staked so much, to the extent of inflicting the severest punishment on its own citizens. What is distressing about this is that the economic establishment appears to be content with what the government is doing. Some within the establishment are, to be sure, grumbling about the government’s stifling of dissent, its crackdowns on protesters. But by and large, they seem alright with the economic reforms the government is enforcing. On the other hand, the President’s recent remarks on the media’s responsibility to report correctly on the IMF bailout make it clear that his administration is aware of the voices of dissent in the press. What critics of the IMF bailout and the regime’s austerity overdrive should be doing, in that respect, is to amplify their voices, and ensure that the economic elite, who were enthusiastic about this regime’s endorsement of IMF reforms, do not have, and do not get, the last say.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

Features

What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

Features

Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

Published

12 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).