Midweek Review
Post-Aragalaya look at security and related developments
Referring to Israel’s war on Gaza, Defence Ministry Spokesman Colonel Nalin Herath speculated about further escalation though he refrained from commenting on the Jewish State’s relentless attacks in Lebanon and Iranian missile barrages directed at Israel. The Middle East is on the brink of a regional conflict, Herath declared, in an interview with Supreme TV. Since the interview, the war has taken a new turn with Israeli attacks on Lebanon-based UN peacekeepers causing injuries to personnel, including two Sri Lankan military personnel serving there and the killing of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar during a chance encounter between Israeli troops and Hamas. Like LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, Sinwar, the alleged mastermind of the large-scale Oct. 07 Hamas invasion of southern Israel, the first such invasion of the Jewish territory since the first Arab-Israel war in 1948. Those who compared Sri Lanka’s war against the LTTE and the ongoing war should be able to differentiate the conflicts.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The urgent need for a comprehensive examination of daunting political-economic-security-social challenges cannot be overestimated. Bankrupt Sri Lanka is at a crossroads as the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) seeks to consolidate its position with a convincing victory at the parliamentary election scheduled to be conducted in three weeks. Although its triumph is apparently a foregone conclusion, the Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP)-led JJB, however, faces formidable domestic and external challenges.
With the former main Opposition party Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the former ruling party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP, as well as the UNP-backed New Democratic Front (NDF) in disarray, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s JJB enjoys a clear advantage in such a scenario.
Regardless of putting up a brave patriotic face, the new party, Sarvajana Balaya does not appear to stand a chance at its first parliamentary election. Going by past experience, the local voters usually go with the trend set by the presidential election. To make matters worse, the opposition is badly split among the SJB, NDF and the SLPP. The SLPP that secured 145 seats, including 17 National List slots at the last parliamentary election, in August 2020, can be reduced to just one NL seat at the forthcoming election. The decision on the part of the Rajapaksas to field generally unproven Namal Rajapaksa on the SLPP NL meant that they realized the grave danger of the party being wiped out. Therefore, the Sarvajana Balaya may find the current ground situation intimidating, though several former SLPP parliamentarians, who have always watched over the country’s national interests, back entrepreneur Dilith Jayaweera’s outfit. However, since the presidential election, Sarvajana Balaya has lost Wimal Weerawansa and Gevindu Cumaratunga.
Defence Ministry spokesman and Director General of the Institute of National Security Studies (INSS) Colonel Nalin Herath recently discussed post-Aragalaya security challenges at different levels, taking into consideration both traditional and non-traditional threats.
During the discussion with Mariella Vandort on ‘Spotlight’ on Supreme TV, the Armoured Corps officer covered related issues, such as ex-military men joining the Russian and Ukrainian militaries, foreign relations where he underscored the need for, what he called, a middle-path, and Sri Lanka’s triumph over separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in May 2009 ,against grave doubts expressed by so-called experts.
At the onset, Colonel Herath explained how developments largely depends on sustainable security in an ever-changing globalized world and the responsibility on the part of political and military leaderships to protect the public. Emphasizing the need to neutralize and address both traditional and non-traditional threats, Colonel Herath made reference to the eradication of terrorism.
However, the interviewer failed to take up the origins of separatist terrorism in the ’80s and New Delhi’s role in the terror project that resulted in the formation of half a dozen terrorist groups.
Except the LTTE, the other groups joined the political mainstream during the late Ranasinghe Premadasa’s presidency (1990-1993). Against the backdrop of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, a member of the once-proscribed JVP becoming the President last month, the discussion should have covered the two southern insurgencies in 1971 and 1987-1990. Unfortunately, quite a significant development in our history didn’t receive the required attention. May be it was too dicey a topic to tackle under the current circumstances, especially for a serving military officer. In fact, the emergence of the JJB in mid-2019, a few months before the Presidential Election that was won by wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, could have been examined, leaving out the JVP’s horrid past.
The Sri Lanka Army can quite rightly be proud of its record-defeating two insurgencies and winning a conventional war that the Western powers asserted was impossible. Of course, the Navy and Air Force, as well as police, including its Special Task Force, made an immense contribution, and the annihilation of the enemy (LTTE) couldn’t have been achieved if not for President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s steadfast leadership.
Unforgettable situation report
During the course of the interview, Colonel Herath disclosed that he had been with the 68.1 Brigade assigned to the 53 Division deployed at Vellamullivaikkal, on the Vanni east front, where the combined forces brought the war to a successful end. A smiling MoD spokesman recalled how he signed the situation report that dealt with the death of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran at 9.32 am on May 19, 2009.
Troops recovered Prabhakaran’s body that morning, the day after the conclusion of the Vanni offensive. Colonel Herath said the vast majority appreciated the successful war effort, though others quite conveniently forgot the sacrifices made by the military.
Responding to another query, the armoured corps officer recalled two incidents in the Vanni theatre where he survived death. Both incidents had been in the ’90s, one in Kilinochchi and the other at Oddusuddan off Nedunkerni, when the LTTE fired at the SLA escorting then de facto Defence Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte.
Incidentally, the writer had been among a group of journalists on their way to cover Minister Ratwatte’s visit to Oddusudan when the LTTE fired mortars. The buffel armoured personnel carrier carrying us ended up in a paddy field in the chaos and for about 30 minutes we were stuck there.
Although a conventional military threat appears to be unlikely, the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage underscores the responsibility on the part of the government to remain alert. Although Vandort made reference to Easter Sunday attacks as in emergency situations such as floods and Covid-19, yet the only post-war incident that grabbed international attention was not discussed. Nearly 50 foreigners perished in coordinated attacks on churches and five-star hotels that exposed the severe shortcomings in the political and military leaderships.
In the context of traditional and non-traditional threats, how do we categorize the unprecedented Easter Sunday bombings or Aragalaya (March –July 2022) that forced the democratically elected President out of Office. That removal, for whatever the reasons which contributed to public anger, cannot justify unconstitutional removal, while the armed forces and police just looked on. Perhaps the Defence Ministry-funded think tank INSS should thoroughly examine Aragalaya with a fine tooth comb. Their findings can be at least shared among the military top brass, State Intelligence Service (SIS), Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) and the IGP. The writer, however, understands the dilemma the armed forces are in as the JVP/JJB had been one of the parties directly involved in Aragalaya and, in fact, the only party accused of trying to take control of Parliament by physically storming it, using young activists. The JVP/JJB never denied that accusation. In fact, that accusation or declaration cannot be denied as senior party men were on record urging the people to overrun Parliament.
The SLA had no option but to use brute force to neutralize the serious threat to Parliament in July 2022, days before Gotabaya Rajapaksa gave up office.
Now, the JJB is on the verge of a historic parliamentary election victory. Veteran politician Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, who had been the Speaker at the time of the Aragalaya, confirmed an external hand in the ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is in the National List of the NDF. Abeywardena is fifth on that list, headed by former Premier and leader of the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) Dinesh Gunawardena. Although Abeywardena conveniently refrained from disclosing the name of the external party involved, the then lawmakers Wimal Weewawansa and retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, as well as award-winning writer Sena Thoradeniya, alleged a clear US role in Aragalaya. On behalf of the US, its Ambassador here Julie Chung denied the accusation. However, the whole world knows that former Secretary of State John Kerry crowed publicly about how Washington spent millions of dollars for a regime change operation here in 2015 that ousted Mahinda Rajapaksa, along with similar covert acts to topple governments in several other countries.
No less a person than former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, as well as his predecessor Gotabaya Rajapaksa, too, alleged external interference. The incumbent government owed the public an explanation regarding the status of the investigations into the massive destruction caused by Aragalaya.
Those contesting on the NDF ticket backed Ranil Wickremesinghe at the recently concluded Presidential Election. It was the third defeat Wickremesinghe suffered at a presidential election, the first at the hands of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in 1999, followed by 2005. Mahinda Rajapaksa won the 2005 contest by less than 200,000 votes due to the LTTE and TNA (Tamil National Alliance) ordering the northern voters to boycott that election.
Impact of economic crisis on armed forces
Colonel Herath also discussed the requirement to maintain the military strength even during the economic crises and why sufficient investment of public funds is essential. The Colonel didn’t mince his words when he emphasized such investments shouldn’t be considered a waste of money, under any circumstances. Let us hope the executive and the legislature, in unison, accept the need for a robust military. Colonel Herath stressed the need to enhance fighting capability. Over 15 years after the conclusion of the war, and the retirement of thousands of fighting men, the military must take every possible measure to retain their fighting capability.
Colonel Herath placed the current strength of the SLA at 150,000 down from 205,000 at the time of Sri Lanka’s triumph over terrorism. Perhaps, the new government should explain whether it intends to carry out the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government decision to reduce the SLA strength to 100,000 by 2030.
Amidst the continuing economic difficulties that made expected investments on armed forces impossible, foreign powers have stepped in. The recent visit undertaken by Adm. Steve Koehler, commander, U.S. Pacific Fleet, to Colombo, and the transfer of Beechcraft King Air 360ER aircraft underscored the US commitment to strengthening partnerships in the Indo-Pacific and advancing, what the superpower called, a shared vision for peace and stability by upholding the rules based international order.
The US and its allies, including India, have invested in the Sri Lankan armed forces. The China Bay-based No 03 Maritime Squadron consists of dedicated US and Indian maritime surveillance aircraft. The squadron is expected to take delivery of an ex-Australian Air Force Beech 350 King Air patrol aircraft before the end of this month. The US and its allies seem to be inclined to go ahead with their overall strategy vis a vis Sri Lanka, adopted during Wickremesinghe’s presidency. The US decision to go ahead with the handing over of the fourth US Coastguard Cutter to Sri Lanka, gratis, in the coming year, further emphasized their strategy. All that we can say to the new government is beware of Greeks bearing gifts.
Colonel Herath explained the measures taken by the previous government to address the contentious issue of Sri Lankans on the Russia-Ukraine front. According to him, there had been 470 to 500 officers and men involved on both sides and substantial progress was made during discussions in Moscow and with the Russian Embassy in Colombo. It would be pertinent to mention that the Russia-Ukraine conflict is actually a war between the Russian Federation and the West in Ukraine.
Russian Ambassador to Colombo Levan Dzhagaryan, during a recent conversation with this writer, stressed how the combined West utilized the Ukrainian conflict/territory to achieve their objective of bringing NATO to Russia’s border if not for the counter measures now being implemented by Moscow.
Unfortunately, India, the beneficiary in the Ukraine-Russia war as a result of a massive increase in cheap crude oil purchases since 2022, is trapped in the US strategy.
India’s decision not to sign a Joint Letter supporting the UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres in the wake of the recent declaration by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel designating the Head of the premier world body as “persona non grata”, underscored New Delhi’s dilemma. Among others who refrained from backing Chilean coordinated efforts were the US along with its close allies the UK, Japan and South Korea, considered by some to be its lap dogs.
There is no other way to explain India backing Ukrainian and Israeli war efforts as discussed by the international media. But, the US, British and Australian reactions to the continuing diplomatic row between India and Canada over the killing of Sikh activist and naturalized Canadian citizen Hardee Singh Nijjar in British Columbia last year is a grim reminder of Western double standards.
Canadian Premier Justin Trudeau’s Oct. 15 declaration on the conduct of India and its representatives based in Canada underscored Ottawa’s stand that it wouldn’t under any circumstances accept the Modi government’s actions. The Canadian declaration that Indian High Commissioner Sanjay Kumar Verma had a hand in the Nijjar affair caused irreparable damage to Canada –India relations.
Perhaps Canada, having alleged Sri Lanka committed genocide during war against Tamil separatism, should inquire how many ex-Sri Lankan terrorists received Canadian citizenship. Similarly, many wanted for terrorism in India are Canadian passport holders now.
Post-Aragalaya development
The moving of the Court of Appeal against the Defence Ministry decision to collect weapons issued for personal protection under license to selected persons is an eye-opener. The petition underscores the failure on the part of the then government and the security establishment to provide security during Aragalaya when law and order simply disintegrated.
Close on the heels of Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory at the Sept. 21 Presidential Election, the Defence Ministry ordered those having licensed weapons and ammunition to hand them over to the Commercial Explosive Firearms and Ammunition Procurement Unit (CEFAP) at Sri Lanka Navy camp, in Welisara, before Nov. 07, this year.
The Defence Ministry declared that this order did not apply for weapons used for the protection of property/crop and sports activities.
H.D. Navinthaka de Silva, CEO of Avenra Hotel Group, in his petition, argued that the Defence Ministry decision posed a significant risk to his safety.
The Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, the Director of the State Intelligence Service, and the Acting Inspector General of Police have been named as respondents in the case. Filed through Attorney-at-Law Sanath Wijayawardena, the petition claimed that Navinthaka de Silva obtained licensed firearms from the Ministry of Defence around 2012 or 2013 due to serious personal threats.
The petitioner emphasized that his businesses, including hotels, suffered considerable damages during recent political unrest, compounding his security concerns.
Declaring that his plea for reconsidering the Defence Ministry decision pertaining to him, petitioner has requested the Court of Appeal to issue a writ order invalidating the Defence Ministry’s order. The petitioner also sought an interim injunction be issued suspending the implementation of the directive until a final decision is reached after the hearing of his case.
Grandeeza, one of the hotels owned by the Avenra Hotel Group situated at Katunayake, on the main Colombo-Negombo road, and just 15 minutes walking distance from the Katunayake airbase, was set on fire and looted in broad daylight. The same fate befell two other hotels owned by them in the Negombo division. The destruction caused by Aragalaya had never been properly established and none of those responsible was brought before a court of law though some progress was made in respect of MP Atukorale’s killing in May 2022.
The operation carried out by Aragalaya was so meticulously planned that perhaps they would have gone ahead with countrywide attacks even if Temple Trees didn’t make the foolish decision to unleash SLPP goons on the Galle Face protesters. As that was used as the pretext to launch violence against the then SLPP government politicians and their friends and relatives with meticulous intelligence from the evening of May 09, 2022, leaving properties looted and torched across the country.
The Avenra CEO’s petition reminds the government of its fundamental responsibility to take all possible measures to protect citizens.
Midweek Review
How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.
Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.
Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.
Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.
The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.
The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.
Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.
The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.
The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.
Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.
Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.
The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.
But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.
The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.
House tricked
Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.
Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.
One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.
To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.
The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP
Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.
The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.
“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.
“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.
“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.
“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”
But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.
That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.
Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.
The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.
Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.
The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.
Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers
During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.
Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.
During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.
South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.
Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.
The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.
Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.
The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.
The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.
In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.
The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.
According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.
Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.
In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.
If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.
The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.
Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.
Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.
The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.
In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.
Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.
Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.
Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.
Midweek Review
Seeking cultural transmission between bodies
From Chitrasena to Akram Khan:
by Saumya Liyanage
Akram Khan is a world-renowned dancer, choreographer and the founder of Akram Khan Company (AKC) in the UK. He has been an impactful dancer and choreographer who was initially trained as a Kathak dancer during his apprenticeship under various Kathak Gurus in Asia and elsewhere. He and his dance company have created numerous dance productions that surpass the traditional boundaries. Akram Khan is a recipient of top awards including two Laurence Olivier Awards, the Bessie Award (New York Dance and Performance Award), the prestigious ISPA (International Society for the Performing Arts) Distinguished Artist Award, the Fred and Adele Astaire Award, the Herald Archangel Award at the Edinburgh International Festival, the South Bank Sky Arts Award, and ten Critics’ Circle National Dance Awards for his company.
With the initiative of the British Council in Colombo, the Akram Khan Dance Company contacted me a few months ago. The Legacy International Project Manager of the AKC, Varsha Kumar sent me an email informing me of an exciting project the dance company wanted to initiate in Jaffna. It was an upcoming collaboration between Akram Khan Company supported by the British Council Colombo to conduct an intense dance exchange workshop. This initiative facilitated a five-day intensive cultural transmission of Bharatanatyam dance conducted by Mavin Khoo, the artistic associate of the Akram Khan Company with a selected group of youth from Jaffna.
The idea was to continue and sustain the traditional dance forms and explore how they could be sustained and continued further through innovative practices. Mavin Khoo visited Jaffna for the first time to initiate this cultural transmission project with the hope of conducting this intense workshop on Bharatanatyam. Mavin Khoo, trained as a traditional dancer in Bharatanatyam in Malaysia, is a choreographer and the creative collaborator of Akram Khan. Mavin holds an MA in Choreography from Middlesex University and was a faculty member of the Dance Studies Department, School of Performing Arts at the University of Malta in 2014. He has been working as the rehearsal director of the Akram Khan Company and is exploring traditional dance and its contemporary relevance as a mode of human agency and provocation.
It is an ongoing work that the AKC initiated and this collaboration will continue further in future. Here is something interesting about what happened when Khoo, Varsha and their team came to Colombo after finishing the Jaffna Classical Intensive project. The British council director Edward Orlando invited me to a networking lunch in Colombo, where Khoo and Varsha were present. At lunch, I met some of the Sri Lankan dance community representatives. They included versatile dancers such as Upeka Chitrasena, Heshma Wignaraja, and Kapila Palihawadana. We shared our thoughts and ideas about dance and future collaborations during lunch. After this session, Upeka Chitrasena invited us to visit Chitrasena Dance Company. Akram Khan Company focused on helping peripheral dance groups to sustain and continue their traditional dance heritage and encouraged them to expand their possibilities of innovations, and the Chitrasena Dance Company in Colombo is also dedicated to preserving and continuing Sri Lankan traditional dance practices for posterity.
Dance as Ekstasis
I am not a dancer, but I have been interested in dance and dance theatre throughout my academic career. Dance and theatre share many elements and it is the body that is central to the dancer and actor’s work. A few days ago, at the Faculty of Medicine, a session was conducted by the Centre for Meditation Research on how movement facilitates happiness and wellbeing. With my research collaborators, Kanchana Malshani and Chamanee Darshika, I demonstrated how movement is central to our understanding of the self and the world. The key question that I posed at the seminar is that movement allows us to understand our body, time and space and allows us to understand how we could connect with other bodies. Movement is the primal element of the body of the animated being.
What fascinates me here is that actor/dancer experiences time and space and the Other, in a different way than we experience the same phenomena on the daily basis. Dance scholar and Philosopher Sheets Maxine-Johnston argues that Man comprises temporality within himself, for he is such an ekstatic being. He is always at a distance of himself, always in flight” (Sheets-Johnston, 2015, pp. 16-17). This statement clearly indicates how the dance and dance experience override the objective time and space. Greek etymology of the word ekstatic means how one emancipates from her/his own self and transcends for the daily reality. In this sense, the moving body of the dancer, as I witnessed at the Chitrasena Dance Company, shows that dancers’ “being” is not in the daily reality when they intensely move their bodies in the space and time with the complex drum ensemble. Hence, I argue that our understanding about time and space is constructed through the physiological and mathematical understanding of time and space. The other is understood in a way that we as selves are constructed and defined through various lingual and cultural discourses. In this sense, the dancer/actor surpasses these constructed boundaries when the body becomes animated through dance and acting.
We sat at the Chitrasena Dance Company in the afternoon of Dec., 14 2024, and Khoo and Varsha were scheduled to leave Colombo a few hours later. An intense and galvanising performance was unveiled at the bare stage of Chitrasena Dance Company with Thaji Dias and the dance ensemble with seven master drum players. One after the other, a series of traditional dance repertoires unfolded before our eyes. Particularly Thaji Dias’ mesmerising and electrifying bodily motility of Kandyan, Low Country and Sabaragamuwa styles blended with intense rigor and precision. It was evident that some of the dance repertoires that Thaji and the lead male dancer performed were somewhat improvisational, bringing key elements of Kandyan dance into an ecstasy of performance. Both dancers seemed to be connected with each other through somatic means, communicating with facial and bodily gestures to trigger certain dance repertoire to perform together. I witnessed that both dancers were kinesthetically and sensorially joined through learned repertoires to perform a new interpretation of Kandyan dance form.
Cultural Transmission
These traditional dance performances triggered several important questions related to the dance body and cultural transmission of somatic knowledge. First, when Heshma, the artistic director and choreographer of Chitrasena Dance Company introduced a particular dance repertoire developed and choreographed by Vajira Chitrasena, she articulated this as a cultural transmission of choreographic knowledge which came through two generations of dancers. This statement triggered several important questions related to dance historiography. When Chitrasena and Vajira choreographed their works, it may have been done through the embodied knowledge that they possessed through what they learnt and mastered from the traditional Gurus. However, Chitrasena and Vijira may have understood that replicating traditional dance and its repertoire would not add any innovation to their dance interventions. My interest was drawn to this phenomenon and the question emerged on how these individual dance artists have distilled the traditional Kandyan dance to modernist choreographic works through adding innovative elements to their newly founded body notations.
Researchers who are working on the intangible cultural heritage mainly focus on how traditional dance and heritage can be transmitted. They are mainly concerned about how these traditions are continued and sustained through contemporary dance ensembles. However, the intangible heritage discourse has least focused on how these dance traditions have been changing through time and how these new elemental changes have been transformed and transmitted to the next generation of dancers. During our encounters with dance choreographer and artistic director of Chitrasena Dance Company, Heshma discussed how they “do” dance. Her articulation of “doing” dance rather than talking about dance explains how they transmit knowledge of somatic elements of dance through bodies. She said, “We rarely talk … we do not use language but we do dance”. One of the challenges posed by these issues is that the corporeal learning and embodied knowledge cannot be objectified in the researcher’s eyes. They are somatically embedded in the dancers’ bodies and are sedimented within their dance repertoires. A meticulous observation, analysis and categorisation will be required for someone to understand and identify how these dance elements have been changed and embedded in the dancer’s body. As I believe, new dance ethnographic research would be useful for researchers to extricate those elemental dance repertoires to understand how contemporary dancers’ bodies embody dance heritage in their somatic memories.
Conclusion
Akram Khan and his creative associate Mavin Khoo explore the possibilities of preserving traditional dance forms while seeking opportunities to revive them through innovative practices. The Chitrasena Dance Company working in the field of traditional Sri Lankan dance ambitiously is in search of a new era of Sri Lankan dance while passing the Chitrasena -Vajira dance heritage to the next generation of dancers and choreographers. Both companies share similar objectives in dance preservation and innovations within the highly contested Global cultural domains. Khan, Khoo, Chitrasena, Vajira, Thaji and other dancers embody a vast knowledge of somatic practices akin to their own dance traditions. Yet, these ekstatic bodies transcend the daily constructed selves, which carry the somatic knowledge of dance that are waiting to be disseminated in the bodies of the next generation of dancers. These areas of dance-ethnography should be further developed to understand the embodied knowledge and the somatic practices infiltrated through the generations of dancers and drummers. New dance-ethnography, dance historiography and new methodologies should be developed and applied to deepen our understanding of dance as an explicit knowledge of human expressions, emotions and ecstasy.
References
Sheets-Johnston, M. (2015). The phenomenology of dance. Philadelphia (Pensilvania, Estados Unidos) Temple University Press.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Company, Akram Khan. n.d. “Our Biographies.” Akram Khan Company. Cog. Accessed 2024. https://www.akramkhancompany.net/about-us/our-biographies/.
Nürnberger, Marianne. 2014. “Vajira – the First Professional Female Dancer of the Sinhalese Style.” Sri Lanka Journal of Humanities 40 (0): 99. https://doi.org/10.4038/sljh.v40i0.7232.
Raheem, Mirak. 2022. “Vajira: The Pioneering Female Dancer.” South Asian Dance Intersections 1 (1). https://doi.org/10.55370/sadi.v1i1.1475.
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Saumya Liyanage is an actor and professor in Drama and Theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of Visual and Performing Arts, Colombo, Sri Lanka. saumya.l@vpa.ac.lk
The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for her assistance in preparing this article.
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