Features
Politicians Play Survival Games while People Keep Protesting for Survival
Rajan Philips
There is a massive disconnect between the political protests of the people and the survival games that politicians are playing. The President is playing hide and seek from the people and getting his handful of Ministers to say that their boss is ‘not going to budge.’ The Prime Minister, the family’s only communicator comes on television and cuts a sorry figure as a long-gone has-been. The PM says he is ready to meet with the young protesters, but the young protesters are saying there is nothing to meet about and the only thing the PM can do is go into sunset with the President.
The 11-party dissident alliance in the government is going dizzy as it tries every trick in the book to stay politically relevant and insure their seats in parliament. The shameless Maithripala Sirisena even tried a fast one to become interim PM elbowing out MR. The bulk of the SLPP MPs are rudderless without Basil who is powerless to do anything. The entire government formation, so to speak, has been thoroughly debilitated by the protests. But the government has been able to hold on to its SLPP MPs to maintain a bare minimum but precarious simple majority. The 41 MPs of the 11-party alliance are shuffling for a parking spot in parliament, but they have no connection whatsoever to ongoing politics outside parliament.
The opposition formation is not very much different, except that it is not as decadent as the government. Ranil Wickremesinghe, the lonely UNP leader still pretending to be on his high horse, has been opining that “what Sri Lanka needs today is not a change of government but a change of systems including vast economic reforms to avoid a revolution.” To that end, he is proposing “new legislation for Parliament to take over the finances,” and he is “preparing a set of reforms for this purpose.” Mr. Wickremesinghe went further: “One should understand the situation which prevails today. People who have been led by the youth want a new beginning and a complete change of the systems. Parliament at the moment is focusing on a change of government. Peaceful protests that are going on at the moment will turn into a revolution if we ignore people’s demands.”
Parliament and the People
Mr. Wickremesinghe’s statement is obviously more sophisticated than anything that Rajapaksas can put together. But he slips into sophistry when he says that “focusing on a change of government” is somehow tantamount to turning “a deaf ear to people’s demands.” How so, when the sole demand of the people is for the resignation of the President and the Prime Minister? Mr. Wickremesinghe is not only mute on the matter of resignations, but he is also not explaining how he will legislate “for parliament to take over the finances” while the government and the President who destroyed the financial system continue in office.
At least objectively, the former PM’s scheme would serve the same purpose as the 11-party alliance’s proposal to establish a ‘National Executive Council’ under the incumbent President, or the crazy constitutional amendment bill drafted by Lawyers Romesh de Silva and Manohara de Silva to allow cabinet ministers to be drawn from outside parliament. And that purpose is to find a way to keep the Rajapaksa presidency going while appearing to address the concerns raised by the protesting public. I call these political survival games by or on behalf of politicians whom the people want thrown out lock, stock and barrel.
The JVP is honest about calling for the resignation of the President and refusing to be involved in any interim arrangement that will include the incumbent. However, the JVP has not been able to connect itself, let alone give leadership, to public protests that are now getting into the third week after their start on March 31 in Mirihana. The JVP started by being cautious about the initiators of the protesters and their lack of ‘accountability.’ Later it warmed itself to the protests but has not been able to establish any linkages with them. For a Party and its leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who last year declared that they were ready to give leadership to the country, have been nowhere near-ready to respond to the most spontaneous and sustained public protest that unfolded over the last fortnight.
More to the point of this article, the JVP and its leader have been totally ineffective about doing anything to align the business of parliament with the protests outside. This is quite a setback after AKD’s stellar performance in parliament exposing the innards of the controversial LNG deal with New Fortress Energy (NFE). While individual performances are great for image, you cannot achieve anything substantial in parliament unless you are able to work with others. Especially so for a party like the JVP that has only three MPs. And the JVP has been woefully wanting in striking cross-party alliances in parliament when the people are crossing boundaries to unite in protest against the government. Unless the JVP changes its approach it will lose its relevance despite its self-assured readiness.
In contrast to the JVP and its leader, Sajith Premadasa and the SJB have tried to take to parliament the momentum from outside. Like the JVP, the SJB has also refused to be involved in any interim arrangement unless the President resigns beforehand. But unlike the JVP, Mr. Premadasa has taken symbolic and practical steps such as a No Confidence Motion against the government and the abolition of the Executive Presidency. He has already signed the petition for a No Confidence Motion and the resolution for Impeachment. A bill for ‘abolishing’ the Executive Presidency is apparently in progress. Whether they will succeed or not will depend on how Mr. Premadasa is able to articulate parliament and the people and how he would be able to create voting alliances in parliament.
Options before Parliament
At the same time, the onus of making parliament responsive to the people should not be on a single individual leader. It should be up to every MP to clearly show where she or he stands. Besides the SJB leader and MPs, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam and his Tamil Congress MPs are also reported to have signed on to the two resolutions. This should double the onus on other Tamil and Muslim MPs. Especially the TNA and especially after its ill-timed meeting with the President after being stood up by him for over two years. Remarkably, while almost all Upcountry Tamil MPs have left the governing SLPP alliance, more than a handful of Northern and Eastern Tamil and Muslim MPs are still reluctant to break ranks with the government.
One would think the three JVP MPs will not shy away from supporting the SJB initiatives in parliament. The same goes for Ranil Wickremesinghe despite his rarefied musings about implementing financial reforms through parliament under the current government and its President. The key to any shifting of MPs and their numbers will be the 41 MPs of the 11-party alliance. They have indicated their non-agreement with the No Confidence Motion approach, but they cannot indefinitely remain non-aligned between the Rajapaksa regime and the Premadasa opposition. If the 41 MPs decide to vote against the government and if all Tamil and Muslim MPs count themselves against the government, then there will be a loosening up of the core SLPP contingent, assuming that there is something core about it.
All of this might enable passing a No Confidence Motion against the government, but launching impeachment proceedings against the President will still be a long shot. On the other hand, a more specific No Confidence Motion could be moved against the President. I alluded to this earlier as a parliamentary initiative. Since then, Dr. Nihal Jayawickrama has pointed out that parliament can, and in the current situation has the obligation to, pass a No Confidence Motion against the President under Article 42 of the Constitution which holds the President “responsible to Parliament for the due exercise, performance and discharge of his powers, duties and functions under the Constitution and any written law including the law for the time being relating to public security”
More than the government, it is the President who deserves a No Confidence Motion against him on account of his abject failure in the management of the economy through ill-chosen Secretaries and Governors, despite all the powers that he granted himself through the 20th Amendment. Even so, a No Confidence Motion can seemingly serve only a symbolic purpose as it cannot compel President Rajapaksa to resign from office. But actions in parliament can and do serve a substantive purpose, that of articulating protest politics with constitutional politics. Together they can bring pressure on the two remaining Rajapaksas to exit gracefully within an agreed upon time period. If parliament fails to act in response to protest politics, parliament itself and not just SLPP MPs will become irrelevant.
Nearly 400 years ago, Oliver Cromwell sacked a corrupt British parliament (the Long Parliament) and scolded away its MPs, “”You have sat too long here for any good you have been doing. Depart, I say, and let us have done with you. In the name of God, go”. Sri Lanka has no Cromwell, but it has its people. They are not going anywhere. Only the President and/or the Parliament will have to go somewhere. The Parliament can go for reelection but not likely until the President goes through his resignation.
Features
‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace
It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.
In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.
While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.
Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.
The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.
The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.
Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.
However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.
This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.
Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.
However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.
Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.
A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.
To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.
Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.
Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.
Features
Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert
At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.
Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.
According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.
“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.
For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.
Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.
“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.
According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.
Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.
The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.
“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.
Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.
“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.
According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.
Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.
Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash
These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.
Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.
“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.
While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.
“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.
He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.
Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.
He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.
At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.
“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.
Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.
“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.
According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.
“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.
As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.
Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.
“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Top Model of the World 2026
Back-to-back victory for Colombia
Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.
Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.
Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.
These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.
Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale
Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.
Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.
Special Awards Recognition
Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.
Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.
Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up
Final Placement
Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)
1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)
2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)
Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.
The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.
Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.
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