Connect with us

Features

Political Reforms: Vanishing prospects and time warp debates

Published

on

President Ranil Wickremesinghe with his wife Maithree in November 2019. Whether Wickremesinghe’s administration has the stomach for the reforms needed to resuscitate a collapsed economy will determine the island nation’s fate.

by Rajan Philips

The two articles on political and presidential reforms that I wrote for the Sunday Island (August 13 & 20), have elicited an interesting response from Dayan Jayatilleka (Sunday Island, August 27). Dr. Jayatilleka disagrees with both my “reform ideas” and my suggestion that now is the time for reforms, and proffers a “counterview” that the reform ideas are “regressive”, and now is “the worst time” for reform. He is, as he has consistently been, opposed to changing the current system of having the country’s President directly elected by the people.

He is also, as he has always been, dead set against expecting anything positive from Ranil Wickremesinghe or allowing him to continue in office even a minute longer than is constitutionally necessary. Dayan’s counter agenda for “engaged intellectuals” is to “focus on … Fighting to secure elections on schedule, most especially the presidential election, and combating the dangerous ideology of ‘economics before elections’.”

On the same Sunday (August 27), the Sunday Times carried Prof. Sirimal Abeyratne’s weekly column, coincidentally entitled, “Economy cornered with elections round the corner.” The contrasting viewpoints of a Political Scientist as a politically ‘engaged intellectual’, and a professional Economist without overt political affiliations, neatly sum up the country’s paradoxical political situation and the false prioritization between elections and economics.

There should be no economic reason for postponing elections beyond their due dates, or advancing them ahead of time. The reasons for election timing are always political, but no election in the current situation in Sri Lanka should be seen in isolation from the country’s current economic crisis. The latter is Prof. Abeyratne’s principal concern and the burden of his Sunday column, a concern that is not similarly shared or articulated by Dr. Jayatilleka.

It is the confluence of the political and the economic crises that I have argued, and still do, has led to – Ranil Wickremesinghe becoming the caretaker president, absence of strong presidential contenders as in the past, and the ‘hung situation’ in parliament. It is also my contention that it is this triple convergence that created a unique situation for implementing political and presidential reforms. The situation is obviously unprecedented and is unlikely to be repeated anytime in the future.

The premise for my identification of this situation as opportune, or propitious, for undertaking reforms is that it provides the opportunity for a ‘consociational’ approach (in this case involving principled alliances and voting blocs of political parties in the current parliament) to undertaking reforms, as opposed to a ‘plebiscitarian’ approach (seeking an electoral mandate and hoping for a tyrannical majority). This should not be confused with ‘top down’ elitism, because every item on a potential reform agenda has been thoroughly discussed up and down the political pole for decades on end.

Almost all of them are measures to correct the institutional blunders that political elites have been committing since 1977 and 1978. In any event, any and all reform measures will have to be passed by parliament, requiring a two-thirds majority in some cases, and even a referendum based on the Supreme Court’s basic structure interpretation and not necessarily the constitution’s text itself.

Vanishing Prospects

Regardless of Dayan Jayatilleka’s disagreements with my reform ideas, the reality is that the prospects for any kind of reform even in the current triple-convergent situation are fast vanishing. The main reason is that Ranil Wickremesinghe is not interested in using his accidental location at the summit of power for undertaking reform initiatives. All his political initiatives since becoming caretaker President have been to engineer a path to becoming the ‘incumbent’ candidate at the next presidential election. He cannot be both a candidate for election and a catalyst for reform, as I have contended earlier. Additionally, there is no sign of any external pressure (no Aragalaya Version 2) being brought on Mr. Wickremesinghe to play the role of a reform catalyst and scratch away his chronic itch to become an elected president.

The political opposition is not interested in forcing political reforms through the current parliament, but not quite for the same reasons that Dayan is suggesting, although Anura Dissanayake’s slogan “only a year to go”, or “less than 365 days to go”, might be an accurate measure of the opposition mood. But it is not clear which election everyone wants first.

For Dayan, it seems the presidential election, just like Ranil Wickremesinghe but for obviously opposite reasons. The JVP/NPP was all about local elections, and the SJB was earlier calling for parliamentary elections. And the President wants to implement 13A, but all executively with no provincial council elections. A reform agenda is not on anyone’s radar.

And if I am not misunderstanding Dr. Jayatilleke, he is not suggesting any potential reform path after a presidential or parliamentary election, or envisaging how and when such a path might open up. His broad perspective is all about fighting Ranil and supporting “one or the other change-agent, Sajith or Anura, while fighting for a broad bloc or platform for elections on schedule and a united front of parties around each candidate, so as to ‘social democratize’ them both to whatever degree possible.”

Make them social-democratic to whatever degree possible, and everything will be looked after by one or the other change-agent. Juxtapose this with Dayan’s intervention last week (Sunday Island, September 3), entitled, “Political Establishment Under Siege: Crisis of the UNP, SLFP, SLPP, SJB,” and you will recognize the difference between the depth of his diagnosis and the meagreness of his medication.

The problem of inadequate remedies is partly due to a national pre-occupation with elections. Heightened enthusiasm before elections and political ‘muddling through’ between them. In his Sunday Times column, Prof. Abeyratne provides an empirical review of the corrosive effects of multiplying elections after 1977 on the decision making apparatuses of governments. Specific to political reforms, especially presidential reforms, there is a 40 year history of election promises and post-election betrayals. That is why I am skeptical about reform initiatives coming to the fore after another round of elections. This is not being against elections but about the futility of expecting serious reforms after elections.

What is inexplicably bizarre is that no one in parliament is making any serious effort to at least have the electoral reforms completed before the next local, provincial or parliamentary elections. All the spade work has been done, bills have been drafted, but no one is bothered to take them over the finish line. Why have elections under existing laws if you are serious about changing them after the elections? Given the situation of a ‘hung parliament,’ a consociational approach is necessary and will work, but the initiative will have to come from the parliamentarians and no one else. Unfortunately, the MPs are as apathetic about taking initiatives as they are truant about attending parliament. Even the two designated change-agents are not showing leadership or demonstrating parliamentary skills to get at least the electoral reforms completed before the elections.

Revamping the administration is another matter, and even though it is not something that can be accomplished in a short time there is nothing to stop the current parliament from forcing the issue with the President. Even if not the whole gamut of administrative reform, why not at least make sure that a proper person is appointed as the new IGP well in time for whatever election that might come first? Two retired senior police officers have been recently writing about the mess that the National Police is in, and how political interference and police subservience have precipitated the mess.

There cannot be a better opportunity for the two change-agents to show what they are capable of by intervening to force positive changes starting with the appointment of a new IGP worthy of that position. They do not have to wait for an election, and proving their mettle in the current parliament will augur well for their role in the next parliament, especially if they were to lead the next government. But unless people see them in purposeful and persistent actions in the current parliament, not much could be expected of them in the next parliament.

Ending Presidential Elections

Dr. Jayatilleke’s strongest disagreement is of course with the suggestion to end the practice of directly electing the Head of State or President. He concedes, however, that “Sri Lanka’s presidency most certainly requires reforming but that … the reforms that are necessary are those that bring our presidency in line with those of the USA and France.” But none of that should or could be before the next presidential election. No reforms before elections, just as no economics before elections!

The idea of reforming the presidency and ending direct presidential elections is not something that I started in my two Sunday Island articles. That idea arose as the antithesis even as JR Jayewardene idiosyncratically imposed the presidential system on an unsuspecting Sri Lankan polity. In fact, the anti-theistic idea has always had greater support among “engaged intellectuals” than the insistence on continuing with direct presidential elections. Winning presidential candidates in every election from 1994 to 2015 ran on the promise of abolishing the executive presidential system. The exception came in 2019, fittingly with Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

For all the bile that is piled on Ranil Wickremesinghe, no one blames the Rajapaksas for picking Ranil outside the 6.2 millions who voted for them to be their saviour and to be the country’s caretaker. And the tradition of running to be president on the promise of ending the elected-executive presidency will likely be restored by Anura Kumara Dissanayake and by Sajith Premadasa at the next presidential election. That will be real change-agency. Whether either one of them will be able to accomplish it after the election is the question.

As for the merits and demerits of the executive presidential system, Dr. Jayatilleka invokes, as he often does but not necessarily accurately, the examples of France, the US and Latin America. He never pauses to mention, let alone honour, the name of JR Jayewardene and his patented product that was bequeathed to the country. But JRJ’s whole project was contemporaneously critiqued by someone called NM Perera, also a Political Scientist. That was the beginning of the anti-thesis to the elected-executive presidency. The introduction of the presidential system by JR Jayewardene and the adoption of the 13th Amendment during JRJ’s only term as elected president, were unrelated developments. They have since been turned into Siamese Twins. They might be inseparable, but they should not be unreformable.



Features

International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

Published

on

The forum in progress; (L to R) BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando, Kumudini Samuel and Raaya Gomez.

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.

International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.

The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.

The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.

It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.

The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.

The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.

Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.

While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.

The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.

Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.

However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.

Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.

This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.

It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.

Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.

Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.

Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.

Continue Reading

Features

Richard de Zoysa at 67

Published

on

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.

It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.

His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.

After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.

I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.

But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.

Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.

I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.

Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.

I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.

But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.

A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.

After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.

The Limits of Love

did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.

I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.

It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.

Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.

Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.

The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.

The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.

Continue Reading

Features

SL Navy helping save kidneys

Published

on

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne

WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,

NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)

Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff

Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd

Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation

Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:

• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.

• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.

• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.

• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.

What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.

The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.

The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.

Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.

The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.

The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit

The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.

The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.

Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!

Continue Reading

Trending