Features
Perils to sustained growth
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by Dr. G. Usvatte-aratchi
In 2013, Professor A. D. V. de S. Indraratne, the illustrious professor of Economics at Colombo, who was President of the Sri Lanka Economic Association, (they hold the 2023 sessions soon), along with his Committee, was prescient that the fiscal policies of the government might end in disaster and decided to devote the 2013 Sessions to explore ‘perils to sustained growth’ in the economy. The distinguished scholar and diplomat Jayantha Dhanapala was the Guest of Honour. I delivered the Keynote Address. The subject of my lecture was ‘Perils to Sustained Growth’.
Most economists then were troubled by the direction of fiscal and monetary policies at that time. They did not know for certain but were fearful that the massive public works that were undertaken with Chinese loans would not yield the output with which to service those loans. The greater part of the loans was to pay for burgeoning current expenditure. The government would hear none of those and went on with policies of large budget deficits.
A few weeks back, in a press release, the then President and Finance Minister and later Prime Minister of governments, shockingly took credit for reducing the tax revenue of the government year after year. It was shocking because whilst he reduced tax revenue of the government year by year, total government expenditure kept on growing. In a situation where tax revenue comprised more than 98 percent of total revenue of government, rising government expenditure had to be funded at the cost of a rapidly rising debt burden.
The debt from foreign sources had to be serviced with rising export income. Most alarmingly, the proportion of exports to GDP kept falling rapidly. Consequently, a budgetary crisis and a balance of international payments crisis would follow, as the day the night. It precipitated 2021-2022, when a President completely illiterate in economic policy reduced government revenue.
At the same time, he raised the demand for imports with agricultural policies that cut down the domestic food output. The fall in the output of export crops reduced import capacity. Little surprise that in 2022, the government had few choices but to declare bankruptcy.
In my Keynote Address in 2013, I laid bare the sequence of these likely events. I was surprised that policymakers took no notice of the clear warnings presented to them. I was shocked when the then President and Finance Minister, in late 2023, took credit for having actively contributed to that process of decay.
I had laid by that lecture because it was too long and ‘academish’ to be published in The Island, my usual outlet. (Most members of SLEA have higher degrees in economics.) There was no Review in Colombo that may have carried it. It was far too concentrated on Sri Lanka to be published in an international publication. However, after President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s claim, a few days ago, I thought I would seek the advice of the Editor of this newspaper on whether he and his readers would suffer the burden of reading that lecture. With his consent, I decided to publish it.
The text of the speech:
‘And so, we have gone on, and so we will go on, puzzled and prospering beyond example in the history of man.’Thomas Jefferson, 1812.How amazingly right Jefferson was: ‘puzzled and prospering beyond example in the history of man’! Yes, puzzled despite all the ingenuity of all economists since Adam Smith.
The central importance of sustained growth
The economic history of some parts of the world, during the last three hundred years, has been one of phenomenal economic growth. These parts include Europe, North America, Australasia and Japan. In 1,700 all people whether in Africa, Asia, America or Europe were more or less equally poor with a per capita income of about $700 per year at 1985 prices, less than $2 dollars per day. During the next 300 years these economies prospered ‘beyond example in the history of man’.
Much more recently we have had a large part of Asia, including China, Taiwan, India, Malaysia, and South Korea, Thailand and the two small economies of Hong Kong and Singapore grow at phenomenally high rates. In Latin America, after some spectacular growth at the turn of the 20th century, it is only recently that some countries have experienced sustained rapid economic growth. Africa is a late comer and there are signs that sub-Saharan countries finally may have begun to grow.
Sri Lanka has had a record of slow growth, ever since National Accounts began to be estimated but the last few years have shown an upturn in rates of growth. These rates of economic growth shorn of the fluff that the Central Bank tries to cover it with are not to be cavilled at. Your question at this session is how that higher rate of growth can be sustained, at least in the short term.
Let us not underestimate the central importance of fast economic growth to raise levels of living. C. Sivasubramonian (2000), [The National Income of India in the Twentieth Century, The Oxford University Press, New Delhi] estimated that the growth rate of GDP per capita 1901 to 1946-7 in India was 0.9 percent per year and the consequent rise in the GDP per capita was 0.1 percent per year.
At that rate you would have needed 700 years for GDP per capita to double! Contrast that with the experience between 2000-2001 and 2010-2011 when per capita GDP grew at 6.0 percent per annum. [These numbers are from Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen (2013), An uncertain Glory, India and its Contradictions, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ]. If that rate of growth were sustained over 35 years, living standards would rise eight times during the lifetime of an individual. However, recently we have seen perils to those high rates of growth.
‘… bang, confidence collapses, lenders disappear, and a crash hits.’
Perils to sustained growth have been studied over a long period of time. In the 20th century itself it was a major field of study. In those times this subject went under the title Trade Cycle. The last volume I remember is Robin Matthews’ ‘The Trade Cycle’ that came out in the year after I graduated. Wesley C. Mitchell’s ‘What Happens during Business Cycles’ had come out beyond the Atlantic much earlier in 1951. The subject is now studied as ‘Crises’, much of that literature coming out in America.
The most recent major study is Reinhart’s and Rogoff’s ‘This Time Is Different’ [2009], in which they studied debt default, whether domestic or foreign, which brought about crises that broke the process of sustained growth. Disruptions to growth arising from such crises are now the major threat to sustained growth, at least in the short and medium terms.
It was Reinhart’s and Rogoff’s conclusion after careful study that ‘… failure to recognize the precariousness and fickleness of confidence, especially in cases in which large short-term debts need to be rolled over continuously, is the key factor that gives rise to the ‘this-time-is-different syndrome’. Highly-indebted governments, banks, corporations or households can seem to be merrily rolling along for an extended period, when bang, confidence collapses, lenders disappear, and a crash hits.’ As you know this happened in the US and Europe in 2007-2008 and it almost took place in India in July-August this year.
The development of crises in the modern sense [the term has a respected longer-term usage] started in the 1970s. President Nixon freed the dollar from the price of gold in 1973. Petroleum exporting countries amassed large volumes of savings looking for financial investment opportunities. So was born the phenomenon of ‘petro-dollars’.
As emerging developing countries grew fast on the strength of exports, they amassed huge surpluses on the external account which formed sovereign wealth funds. The sum of such sovereign funds now probably exceeds $ 15 trillion sufficient to swamp any probable attempt to defend a rate of exchange of a country against adverse movements. And the electronic transfer of funds made it possible to jump from one market to another to profit from even small differences in interest rates, giving a new meaning to D. H. Robertson’s 1926 terms ‘money on wings’. Market opportunities became well known to advisors with the incredibly rapid transfer of information.
With these developments, major economic policies of countries, except those whose currency was acceptable for payment anywhere in the world and those others with huge exchange reserves, found their major domestic policies, ransom to market forces in international capital markets. India with $285 billion in foreign exchange reserves dared not defend the rupee against capital flight in mid-2013. Don’t take seriously the bravado here that $7 billion can do anything to protect the Sri Lanka rupee against even a small shift of short-term capital out of the country.
We spend more than we earn
I have used that extended quotation in the previous but one paragraph because the fundamental problem in our economy is that our economy spends more than it earns [GDP]. That gap is closed with resources from overseas. [This is explained extra-ordinarily well in Arvind Panagariya [2008], India, The Emerging Giant, Oxford University Press, Oxford].
A part of this gap is closed with savings of citizens of this country working overseas and remitting those savings to their home country, with foreign investments directly in the economy, another part with spare resources from accumulated foreign savings if any, and, in its absence, loans from overseas. In our case, in the domestic economy, the private sector does not invest all that it saves.
The government borrows a part of private savings to cover its own expenses. The balance savings it needs are borrowed from overseas. Our economy during the last five years has been accumulating foreign savings by borrowing from abroad, mainly to hedge against fast movements of short-term capital which comprise a part of our national debt. The flow of debt accumulates to form the foreign debt stock of the country. That part of the foreign debt owed by government has been high and fairly stable over the last few years.
To foreign markets and the short end of the market
There has been a marked shift to borrow from overseas and to borrow in the short term. This drive has been motivated by the need to keep interest on government debt in check because interest payments on government debt like all other government expenditure must come out of the Consolidated Fund to which all receipts of government in turn are credited.
Interest rates overseas continue to be lower than at home and interest rates at the short end are usually lower than interest rates at the long end. But these shifts to foreign sources and the short end itself are themselves fraught with serious risks. Any rise in interest rates in other markets shifts money sitting here short term immediately to fly to those other markets. Any loss of confidence in direction of domestic economic policy has the same consequences. To that degree, domestic economic policy is ransom to foreign investors.
Our governments have spent more than they collected in revenue for many years. In 2012, the ratio of total revenue of government to GDP was 13 percent and of total expenditure to GDP 20 percent. The ratio of government revenue to GDP has fallen consistently for several years. There has been some check on the growth of public expenditure, obviously not so severely as to bring down considerably the need to borrow from overseas. In any case, it is hard to make a case for cutting down government expenditure in this economy.
We know too much about the dreadful neglect of education and health in the aggregate and the dire need for reconstruction and development both in the Eastern and Northern Provinces and in the plantations in the central region. There must be immense restraint on the desire of an essentially populist government to control government expenditure in this manner.
Government cannot really cut down expenditure anymore without raising the ire of the public to boiling point. We are too close to what happened in Greece and Spain to risk that. Government must seriously consider why government expenditure on defence and public order and safety must remain at 15 percent of the total both in 2009 and 2012.
It certainly cannot raise government expenditure without first raising government revenue. It is the same populist inclinations which make it hard for government to tax people on whose vote it depends to win elections. Government has taxed heavily consumption of high-income groups. Without taxing the general public, it is in no position to raise revenue to pay for higher expenditure. And a populist government will not do it. That is the point at which long term growth becomes hostage to short term stability.
(To be concluded)
Features
2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns
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Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.
Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means
Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.
Economic Democracy and Market Regulation
The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.
The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.
Stability and Continuity in Policy
One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.
Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.
Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues
Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.
The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.
Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures
Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.
One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.
Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.
The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.
Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour
Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.
The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.
Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth
The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.
While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.
Digitization and Financial Transparency
The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.
More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.
Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives
The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.
For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….
Conclusion
Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation
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by Ifham Nizam
Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.
Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.
In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.
Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”
Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.
From Journalism to Urban Innovation
Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.
Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.
The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure
One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.
“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.
Livability as the Core Urban Challenge
For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.
Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.
Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development
Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.
Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.
Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration
Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.
Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.
Call to Action for Sustainable Cities
Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”
Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.
Features
Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate
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by Jehan Perera
President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.
There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.
At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.
EXTREME POWER
The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.
The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.
Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.
MODERATE POLITICS
The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.
Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.
The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.
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