News
Parliamentary polls show unity among ethnic, religious groups, but weaker opposition
By SHIHAR ANEEZ
ECONOMYNEXT –Sri Lanka’s parliamentary election results showed unity among the island nation’s different ethnic and religious people in backing President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s request for a clean parliament, but a weaker opposition that could threaten the country’s fragile democracy.
President Dissanayake’s Marxists Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led ruling National People’s Power (NPP) recorded a landslide victory, winning 159 seats in the 225-member parliament.
The election saw ethnic majority Sinhalese along with minority Tamils and Muslims voting for the NPP, which campaigned for “Fill parliament with compass”.
Compass is the symbol of NPP.
For the first time in history, Sri Lanka saw all Tamil-dominated Northern districts and Muslim-dominated Eastern districts backing the NPP as much as Sinhalese-dominated Southern districts.
Dissanayake’s leadership marked a pivotal shift in Sri Lanka’s political landscape, bringing hope of unity to the nation long divided by ethnic tensions, analysts say.
His campaign for reforms, economic recovery, equitable governance, and social justice has united the country’s different ethnicities around a shared vision.
However, the move has inadvertently weakened the opposition, setting a precedent that may shape Sri Lankan politics for years amid threats to the island nation’s fragile democracy.
The NPP is the first party to have won two-third majority under proportional representation (PR) system since it was implemented in 1989.
Both former presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa (2010-2015) and his brother Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2020-2022) secured two-third majority with the support of other minority political parties in the parliament.
However, Sri Lanka has experienced weaker opposition and democracy when there had been two-third majority in the parliament in the past.
Mahinda Rajapaksa government removed a chief justice when his government’s poverty alleviation programme was resisted and removed the limit for presidential term using the special majority. His administration also weakened independent institutions through a constitutional amendment.
His brother Gotabaya’s government repeated the same when he had the special majority before he was forced to flee the country in the face of mass protests in 2022.
Diverse Sri Lankan communities see President Dissanayake’s political dialogue as an inclusive platform of reconciliation and genuineness.
His reputation as a tireless campaigner against corruption, social inequality, and economic mismanagement resonated widely across the ethnic divide.
Unlike many of his predecessors, who often stoked nationalist fervor to galvanize their base, Dissanayake’s campaign focused on bridging the gap between communities.
He actively engaged with historically marginalized groups, offering them a seat at the decision-making table and promising tangible reforms that prioritized social and economic equity over divisive rhetoric.
This strategy, however, did not happen in a vacuum. It was built on years of groundwork by Dissanayake’s political allies in the JVP and aligned civil society organizations.
The outreach to Tamil and Muslim communities, alongside broader progressive Sinhalese constituencies, helped craft an image of a government genuinely invested in the country’s diversity.
His government pushed initiatives for Tamil reconciliation, promoted Muslim rights without capitulating to sectarian pressures, and encouraged dialogue forums to address historic grievances.
Such inclusive politics transformed Dissanayake from a niche leftist leader into a nationally unifying figure.
However, this surge in broad-based support fragmented and weakened the opposition, the election results showed.
Traditional political rivals, including those from the center-right Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and factions of the nationalists Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), struggled to maintain their identity and relevance.
The SLPP, once a dominant nationalist force in the last parliamentary polls, found itself unable to pivot from its prior nationalist agenda to compete in the new political climate. It won only three seats in the parliament.
With Dissanayake championing unity, moderate opposition leaders appeared less distinct and failed to capture public attention or differentiate themselves from the President’s transformative platform.
This weakened opposition landscape was further marred by internal divisions and ineffective coalition-building.
Efforts to unite disparate groups against the President’s coalition floundered, primarily due to lack of a cohesive vision and internal power struggles.
Some factions resorted to the familiar playbook of ethnic polarization, but these messages fell flat against Dissanayake’s genuine outreach and the tangible benefits his policies began to deliver.
Younger voters, especially, gravitated toward his more inclusive, reformist agenda, leaving traditional parties scrambling for relevance.
The consequence was a fragmented and weakened opposition, unable to pose a significant challenge to Dissanayake’s dominance.
Political analysts are of the view that such consolidation of power comes with risks.A diminished opposition risks undermining democratic accountability, leading to potential policy stagnation, and less effective checks on executive power.
As President Dissanayake’s administration continues its reform agenda, the challenge will be maintaining the balance between unity and power consolidation, ensuring the pluralism that elevated him to power does not give way to political complacency.
The Presidential Secretariat (PS) yesterday said that prison regulations concerning Buddhist monks serving prison sentences were expected to be adopted within the next two weeks.
The PS said: “Once they come into effect, arrangements will be made for Buddhist monks to be taken outside prison in their robes, based on the recommendation of the relevant Nikaya or chapter.”
The process to amend prison regulations was initiated on 08 October following discussions between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Maha Sangha. The President called the meeting amidst controversy over producing General Secretary of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara in civilian attire in court.
A special five-member Committee was in the process of studying the current regulations and standing orders under the Prisons Ordinance, the PS said.
The Committee is chaired by Prince Senadheera, Secretary to the Ministry of Buddhasasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs. Its other members are Piyumanthi Peiris, Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Justice, Wasantha Ariyaratne, Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration, R. M. G. Senaratne, Commissioner-General of Buddhist Affairs, and A.C. Gajanayake, Commissioner-General of Prisons.
The first meeting of the special Committee was held at the Presidential Secretariat on the 9th, chaired by Prince Senadheera. Attorney-at-Law Harshana Nanayakkara, Minister of Justice and National Integration, provided the necessary policy guidance for the Committee’s work.
The proposals concerning Buddhist monks would be presented to the Maha Sangha by the middle of next week to obtain their views and recommendations before their implementation, PS stated.
The Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) has alleged that the ruling UNP, in a ridiculous bid to whitewash illegal US sanctions on Iranian oil carriers stranded off Sri Lanka, has taken on itself the blame for refusing to supply humanitarian aid to the trapped crews of the oil tankers.
The text of the statement issued by Dr. G. Weerasinghe,
General Secretary, CPSL: “The Communist Party of Sri Lanka condemns the attempts by the USA to prevent essential supplies of food and water to the 19-20 Iranian oil tankers stranded off the coast, which are running short of food, fuel, and fresh water. It urges the Government of Sri Lanka to face up to the criminal actions of the US Government and do its duty under international humanitarian law.
On 30 September 2026, the Wall Street Journal reported that US officials had threatened Sri Lanka with sanctions if it continued supplying the tankers. These tankers (stranded about 24 km off Sri Lanka, within the Exclusive Economic Zone) which already discharged their cargoes, are empty and unable to return to Iran owing to the illegal war being waged against that country by the USA and Israel.
In response to this report, on 4 October, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath denied that Washington put pressure on the Government of Sri Lanka which, he claimed, always abides by international maritime law. However, he clarified that the Government would enforce US sanctions.
A US Embassy spokesman had earlier stated that Washington is working with allies to cut off “illicit Iranian revenue,” warning that supplying fuel, food, or provisions to sanctioned vessels could expose companies and individuals to US sanctions, including civil or criminal penalties.
Furthermore, from 9-11 September, the US Embassy in Colombo carried out a three-day maritime sanctions compliance workshop. Officers of the Sri Lanka Navy and Coastguard, as well as officials of the Ministry of Defence, Central Bank, Ports Authority and Merchant Shipping Secretariat, participated in this workshop. The officials were warned that any services (including fuel, food, or water) rendered to US-sanctioned vessels, such as the Iranian-linked tankers stranded off Sri Lanka’s coast, could expose companies and individuals to secondary sanctions, civil penalties, or criminal liability.
In fact, it is actions of the USA which are illicit. The US-imposed unilateral and secondary sanctions violate international law, sovereign equality, and the principle of non-intervention. Furthermore, the unprovoked US-Israeli aggression against Iran itself, which had shown no belligerent intent, is illegal in international law. Participation of government officers in the workshop itself is controversial.
According to unofficial reports, Sri Lanka’s national security establishment objected to the demands made by US officials and urged the government to lodge a protest with Washington, pointing out that under UNCLOS Article 98, SOLAS 1974, and the SAR Convention 1979, Sri Lanka is obligated to assist the crews.
However, the response of the National People’s Power (NPP) regime has been to attempt to whitewash the illegal actions of the USA and to take on itself the blame for refusing to supply humanitarian aid to the trapped crews of the oil tankers.
The pusillanimous behaviour of the NPP regime rips aside any pretence that it is in any way progressive or patriotic. Together with its major constituent, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), it stands exposed as the handmaiden of US President Donald Trump’s reckless, warlike and imperialist foreign policy establishment. It begs the question whether the Government has signed secret war-related deals with the USA and thereby ditched Sri Lanka’s 70-year history of non-alignment.
The Communist Party of Sri Lanka, therefore, condemns these illegal attempts by the USA to prevent Sri Lanka from carrying out its humanitarian duty. It calls upon the Government of Sri Lanka to abide by international humanitarian law, work-out suitable strategies and to supply the stranded crews with essential supplies, including food and water. It also calls upon the Government to reveal any secret deals it has entered with the USA.”
An ex-LTTE cadre Sumathipala Suresh Kumar, alias Thavendran ‘Murali’, has told a three-member bench of the Colombo High Court, hearing the disappearance of media personality Prageeth Ekneligoda, that during the war they discussed plans to assassinate President Mahinda Rajapaksa and a group of government people. The alleged meeting took place in Habarana.
The bench consisted of A.G.U.S. N. K. Seneviratne (Chairperson), Dr. Nalin Hewawasam and Lakmali Hewawasam.Kumar said so giving evidence as the fourth witness on behalf of first, second and sixth accused in this case.
Ekneligoda disappeared on the eve of 2010 January 26 presidential election.
Kumar told court that Ekneligoda proposed to fire a missile at an aircraft carrying President Rajapaksa and other top people. There had been another person, identified as Nadan, there.
Asked by the prosecution whether he served as a leader of LTTE intelligence at the time he met Ekneligoda, Kumar said that he was a prisoner at that time. The witness claimed that he had gone with the Army and it was his first visit to that place where the meeting took place.
When the prosecution proposed that what he said was not true, Kumar denied that.
The nine accused are Army officers and men, including Lieutenant Colonel Shammi Arjun Kumararatne. The others are R.M.P.K. Rajapaksa alias Nathan, W.V. Priyantha Dilanjan Upasena alias Suresh, Seneviratne Mudiyanselage Ravindra Rupasena alias Ranji, Yapa Mudiyanselage Chaminda Kumara Abeyratne, Seneviratne Mudiyanselage Kanishka Gunaratne, Aiyasami Balasubramaniyam, Dangaha Gamaralage Tharanga Prasad Gamage and T.E.R. Peiris.
The fourth witness surrendered to the Army in May 2009 and during investigations it transpired that he was used by Military Intelligence to contact Ekneligoda in a bid to ascertain his intention during the presidential polls campaign.
Showers above 75 mm are likely at some places in the Western, Sabaragamuwa, Central, Southern, Uva and North-Western provinces and in Anuradhapura and Mannar districts.
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