by Jehan Perera

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sessions in Geneva have regularly been a focal point of controversy for Sri Lanka. Since 2009, the year the thirty-year internal war ended, the country has been the subject of multiple resolutions aimed at addressing human rights violations and war crimes committed during and after the war. These resolutions have been met with strong resistance from successive Sri Lankan governments, which have accused the UNHRC of double standards and external interference in the country’s internal affairs. Nationalist political factions have often used the UNHRC’s actions as a rallying point to stir anger against the international community and ethnic minorities within Sri Lanka, further deepening divisions within the country.

However, the ongoing UNHRC sessions have seen a notable shift in Sri Lanka’s approach. Unlike in previous years, where government delegations clashed openly with UNHRC representatives, the government representatives delivered speeches that emphasised Sri Lanka’s commitment to international human rights norms. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to independent and credible domestic mechanisms within the constitutional framework to address post-war issues of national reconciliation. He emphasised that institutions such as the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), Office for Reparations (OR), and Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) will be strengthened.

Foreign Minister Herath also said, “The Government led by President Anura Kumara Disanayaka is firmly and sincerely committed to working towards a unified Sri Lanka that respects and celebrates the diversity of its people with no division or discrimination based on race, religion, class and caste. We will not leave room for a resurgence of divisive racism or religious extremism in our country. The fundamental and longstanding principles of democracy and freedom enshrined in our Constitution will be fully respected and safeguarded while protecting the human rights of all citizens. Every citizen should feel free to practice their religion, speak their language, and live according to their cultural values without fear or discrimination. No one should feel that their beliefs, culture, or political affiliations will make them targets of undue pressure or prejudice.”

NAWAZ COMMISSION

However, while the speech did Sri Lanka proud, it largely revolved around broad commitments to human rights rather than addressing specific allegations of war crimes, enforced disappearances, and militarisation in the North and East of the country.  For instance, UNHRC Resolution 25/1, adopted in 2014, mandated the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to conduct an independent investigation into allegations of human rights violations during the final phases of the war. More recently, in 2021, a resolution was passed that granted the UN human rights office a mandate to collect and preserve evidence of war crimes for potential future prosecutions. Successive Sri Lankan governments have rejected these resolutions, viewing them as politically motivated and unfairly targeted at the country’s military and political leadership.

 Despite these criticisms, the international community has continued to push for accountability. The extension of the OHCHR’s Sri Lanka Accountability Project in October 2024 highlighted the international perception that Sri Lanka has not done enough to ascertain the truth of what happened in the past and to take action against those who perpetrated war crimes and gross human rights violations during the war period.  Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath’s response to this was to say in Geneva, “The contours of a truth and reconciliation framework, will be further discussed with the broadest possible cross section of stakeholders, before operationalization to ensure a process that has the trust of all Sri Lankans.”

The solution of a truth and reconciliation commission is a concept that has taken root and evolved from within the country. The recommendations of the Presidential Commission to Investigate Findings of Previous Commissions of Inquiry on Human Rights chaired by Supreme Court Justice A.H.M.D. Nawaz makes this clear.  This Commission was entrusted with the huge task of evaluating the findings of previous Presidential Commissions of Inquiry and assessing their implementation. The Commission’s interim reports, published in 2022 and 2023, and its final report, submitted in January 2024, provide a comprehensive analysis of Sri Lanka’s human rights landscape. The report provides a clear answer—Sri Lanka must establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to formally address past injustices, provide justice for victims, and prevent future conflict.

OVERCOMING MISTRUST

The pivotal recommendation from the Nawaz Commission is the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. As articulated in paragraph 1043 of the report: “Undoubtedly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can provide a historical record of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, and influence institutional reforms in law and practice to promote and protect human rights. Critically, they assist in ensuring accountability for serious violations, which is fundamental in order to prevent potential violations, promote compliance with the law, and provide avenues of justice and redress for victims.” By establishing an authoritative historical record, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission can dispel misinformation, acknowledge the suffering of victims, and pave the way for meaningful reforms.

Sri Lanka’s history is replete with numerous commissions of inquiry, each established with the intent to investigate specific incidents or periods of unrest. The Nawaz report goes painstakingly into them. Notable among these are the Three Presidential Commissions of 1994, which investigated violations from 1987 to 1990 but were prematurely halted; the All-Island Presidential Commission of 1998, which built on the earlier inquiries and issued a report in 2002, calling for judicial action; The 2001 Presidential Truth Commission on Ethnic Violence (1981-84), which investigated the 1983 riots. While some victims received compensation in 2004, there was no accountability for perpetrators; The 2006 Udalagama Commission, which investigated cases like the Trincomalee five students and the 17 ACF humanitarian workers but lacked follow-through; The 2010 Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), which reviewed events from 2002 to 2009 and made many recommendations that were not implemented; The 2013 Paranagama Commission, which examined missing persons and civilian casualties during the final years of the war and led to the setting up of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) in 2016.

 The recurring theme across these commissions is a pervasive sense of disillusionment among victims and the broader populace. As the Nawaz Commission which went through them in detail poignantly observes, “Our island nation has had a surfeit of commissions. Many witnesses who testified before this commission narrated their disappointment of going before previous commissions and achieving nothing in return.”  This sentiment highlights the critical need for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that not only investigates but also ensures the implementation of its recommendations, thereby restoring public trust in transitional justice mechanisms. The Nawaz commission being an internal one, entirely funded and supported by the Sri Lankan government, documented and analysed material that was also gathered by other national commissions. This would dispel any notion of an international conspiracy behind it.

IMMEDIATE ACTIONS

The government’s recent approach at the UNHRC suggests a willingness to engage diplomatically. However, for its credibility to grow and for trust to develop, this engagement must be backed by concrete action and be more inclusive in its scope to include key stakeholder groups. The government also needs to move beyond general statements and take tangible steps to address the concerns raised by the international community. Key steps could include Returning Land to Displaced Communities.  Many communities in the Northern and Eastern provinces remain displaced due to land occupied by the military. The government should expedite the process of returning these lands to their rightful owners to restore livelihoods and promote reconciliation.

This needs to be buttressed by Releasing Long-Term Detainees.  A significant number of individuals remain in detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), some without formal charges. Ensuring due process and releasing those against whom there is no credible evidence would demonstrate a genuine commitment to justice and human rights.  Finally, the government also needs to set about Reducing Military Presence in the North and East. The continued military presence in civilian areas fuels tensions and undermines reconciliation efforts. Demilitarization, along with empowering local governance structures, would be a crucial step toward normalizing life in these regions.

The government needs to back up its diplomatic engagement with the UNHRC and other international and national stakeholders with real, measurable actions. Addressing core issues such as land restitution, the release of detainees, and demilitarisation would not only help rebuild trust with the international community but also contribute internally to national unity and reconciliation.  This needs to be followed by the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission that is established in consultation with all stakeholders and is genuinely implemented.

Usually, stakeholders are limited to victims and survivor groups and some government institutions. Ideally, stakeholders should also include, the media and journalists, judiciary and legal institutions, CSOs, NGOs and religious and community leaders, who recognise the need for a Truth and Reconciliation process.  The Nawaz Commission Report has laid the groundwork for this vital initiative, and it is up to all of them to ensure its success. Sri Lanka has the potential to be the voice of conscience in a world that is increasingly troubled by the breakdown of international norms. Sri Lanka can do its part to contribute to healing processes in the world.

Benjy Ranabahu is known for his bass playing prowess and is a drawcard wherever he performs.

I know of several who wait with great expectation, whenever they see Benjy, on stage, knowing that the moment he moves into action, he would light up the stage with his dynamism.

Yes, Benjy is no more with the group Mirage. The scene changed for him after he returned from the Seychelles, last month.

He hasn’t quit the music scene, he said, adding that at the moment he would like to take a break from the showbiz setup.

“I’m taking things easy at the moment…just need to relax and then decide what my future plans would be.

“I’ve already had offers coming my way but it would take a while before I finally decide whether my future would be as a member of another band or … I put together my own outfit.”

Where Benjy is concerned ‘practice makes perfect’ and he says if he decides to have his own outfit he would make sure that what he gives the public would be nothing short of ‘perfect.’

In fact, Benjy had his own band, not too long ago, and I’m sure music lovers would remember Aquarius.

Aquarius was extremely popular in the scene here, and overseas, as well.

They had contracts in the Middle East and were also seen in action in Europe.

Benjy’s own band Aquarius

Towards the latter stages, Aquarius had female vocalists, from the Philippines, doing the needful as upfront singers, and, together with Benjy, they certainly did mesmerize the audience.

Benjy loves to interact with the audience and is seen very often, down from the stage, and moving from table to table, entertaining, with his booming bass playing.

There have also been occasions where Benjy uses pyrotechnics (kind of fireworks emanating from his guitar) and the audience go ga-ga over such happenings.

Sadly, music lovers are going to miss this dynamic bassist … hopefully, for a short while.

“Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) advocates for women’s empowerment through education, reflecting her fight against imposed stereotypes.”

by Aruni Samarakoon

In a recent Kuppi article by Nicola Perera, “Dealing with Sexual- and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) in Universities” (18/02/2025), the author discusses the gap between institutional structures and the reality of preventing violence against women and marginalised communities, including the LGBTQ+ community, in Sri Lanka’s higher education sector.

Building on that discourse, this article focuses on highlighting the lack of integration of feminist pedagogy in Sri Lankan higher education. This gap may itself be a consequence of structural and institutional failures to recognise the nature of SGBV and implement effective preventive measures.

This article defines feminist pedagogy, explores its significance, examines its integration into education, and concludes with key insights.

What is Feminist Pedagogy?

A simple answer to this question is that feminist pedagogy is a method of reading the reality of the world, nurtured by an understanding of power dynamics that play a crucial role in interpreting that reality. These power dynamics determine who defines reality, what is considered knowledge, and how that knowledge is read and understood.

This fundamental understanding is further supported by scholars like bell hooks. In Teaching to Transgress (1994), she argues that when knowledge is reduced to mere information and does not connect to everyday struggles, it loses its transformative potential. Feminist pedagogy, however, opens knowledge to the real world by linking it to activism and the struggles of the powerless. This connection between knowledge and everyday struggle forms the foundation of how feminist pedagogy understands and interprets the reality of the world.

Looking at the history of feminist pedagogy, from Mary Wollstonecraft to contemporary scholars like Sheila Rowbotham and Angela Davis, a common theme emerges: identifying the reality of how women are stereotyped—how their imaginations, abilities, and skills are constrained, and how they are confined to culturally prescribed roles—is essential. Understanding these limitations through a critical lens advances knowledge and human thought, allowing women to achieve self-actualization by defining their own identities beyond imposed norms. This process ultimately leads to liberation, fostering empowerment by creating space for their voices to be heard. By understanding the power dynamics involved in shaping these realities, empowerment occurs. This empowerment enables individuals to make conscious choices and take action.

Scholars like Mary Wollstonecraft, bell hooks, Sheila Rowbotham, and Kumari Jayawardena have examined social realities of women’s inequality, exclusive education, revolutionary consciousness, limited social welfare, and class-ethnic discrimination, often connecting these issues to their own struggles or those of others.

Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) advocates for women’s empowerment through education, reflecting her fight against imposed stereotypes. hooks’ scholarship addresses her experience as a Black, working-class woman, examining power dynamics in shaping human thought. Rowbotham, in Reasons to Rebel (2024), highlights women’s revolutionary consciousness in the UK, demanding state accountability for welfare. Jayawardena’s work underscores ongoing struggles of the working class, especially in plantation sectors.

The above examples of scholarship highlight that feminist pedagogy critically examines the given reality by questioning who, why, what, and how that reality has come into existence.

Why Feminist Pedagogy?

To answer this question, I take the liberty of drawing on Nicola’s discourse on SGBV in the higher education sector. She raised an important issue: although the legal and institutional structure to prevent SGBV are already in place—structures that extend from the local to the international level through universal charters—SGBV still persists within higher education institutions. This violence primarily affects women and communities such as LGBTQ+ individuals.

This issue is closely connected to feminist pedagogy, as it invites an epistemological examination of social realities, critically analysing the power dynamics that underpin these realities. As Nicola points out, questions arise about who holds the ultimate power to investigate SGBV, and who has the agency or voice to challenge it. These questions, in turn, reflect the power structures at play. It is widely recognized that women experience sexual and physical abuse at universities, yet only a few cases are reported. Many remain hidden because victims’ agency to speak out is constrained by the power structures surrounding them or the influence of their abusers—who often have direct or indirect ties to powerful institutional figures.

The political irony in this context is that, instead of empowering these marginalised individuals, their limited agency is often romanticised by some academics, sometimes through symbolic acts like composing songs. Today, abuse is not limited to women but extends to the LGBTQ+ community within universities. While LGBTQ+ identities are not legally recognised in Sri Lanka, contemporary political discourse has supported the recognition of their identity and the securing of their voice. Despite this, the Sri Lankan higher education sector continues to struggle with effectively identifying and preventing violence against them.

With feminist pedagogy, the struggles of women, men, and the LGBTQ+ community are recognised as essential players to the teaching and learning environment, pushing knowledge beyond the classroom and connecting it to the real world. This can be further explained through an example: How do we understand and recognise women in academia? Is she seen as an agent of academic and research progress, or is she reduced to a sexual object—someone who wears beautiful saris and dark red lipstick for the pleasure of men in academia? (I strongly believe that women should be free to wear whatever they like and use makeup as they choose.). In the case of academic women who are pregnant or raising young children, despite their medical conditions, their capacities and skills should not be undermined or viewed as fragile and in need of guidance, as this reinforces gender stereotypes. How do academic institutions perceive women? Are they expected to be ambitious, career-oriented, focused on self-actualization, and hold their academic views as a form of freedom of expression? Are Sri Lankan universities aware of women experiencing endometriosis or menopause, which can significantly affect their academic performance?

These critical readings and understandings are fostered through feminist pedagogy.

How to Integrate Feminist Pedagogy

It is important to note that the integration of feminist pedagogy and the assimilation of feminist pedagogy are two different scenarios. Currently, Sri Lankan academia follows the assimilation of feminist pedagogy approach. This assimilation is structured through the separation and isolation of the curriculum into gender studies. My argument is that gender studies and feminist pedagogy are two distinct curriculum areas. Almost every Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at Sri Lankan universities already offers courses in gender studies, which is impressive and significant in terms of raising awareness about gender definitions, inequalities, injustices, and research related to gender matters.

However, feminist pedagogy is still new to Sri Lanka and has not yet been integrated into the curriculum. This can be illustrated further through the study of International Relations within Political Science degrees. There is no feminist perspective included in the discussion of International Relations. Feminist approaches—such as idealist and realist feminist pedagogy—have yet to be incorporated into International Relations coursework in Political Science. In the case of Conflict and Peace Studies, the understanding of conflict history, including women’s roles in conflicts, is essential. For example, why did working-class Tamil women, at some point, decide to leave their homes and join a militant revolutionary movement? What does peace mean for women? How can we discover peace through feminist consciousness? These are some of the examples that reinforce my claim that feminist pedagogy must be integrated into Conflict and Peace Studies, rather than merely teaching John Galtung’s “Conflict Triangle.” The absence of a critical feminist examination of Galtung’s interpretation of conflict and peace further highlights the need for feminist pedagogy in this field.

In the field of STEM, feminist pedagogy can be integrated by highlighting women’s contributions to invention, understanding their methods of engaging with materials, and using empirical findings based on women’s narratives to strengthen research outcomes.

Conclusion

Throughout this article, the underlying point is that feminist pedagogy, integration of feminist pedagogy, rather than its separation and isolation within a specific curriculum like gender studies. Through this integration, feminist pedagogy can be recognized as an independent method of study that brings new perspectives, enabling a deeper understanding and analysis of social realities. it further leads to raise their voices against violence, to create a safe and secure higher education environment for everyone, to maintain their identities and become who they want to be, and to contribute collectively to the struggle for justice, equality, and the representation of diversity.

I do not romanticise feminist pedagogy; rather, I believe it fosters the development of human critical thinking and empowers individuals. This empowerment is not only for women but for men as well, because education, empowerment, and justice in scholarship and pedagogy benefit everyone. Meanwhile, I am deeply grateful to every woman who has fought, struggled, and achieved victories in their struggles, standing and continuing to stand for the rights of every living being on this planet. Wishing everyone a meaningful International Women’s Day 2025!

(Aruni Samarakoon is affiliated with the Department of Public Policy at the University of Ruhuna)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.