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Of Turbans, Ties and Statesmen: Inaugural Session of the State Council of Ceylon and the election of its first Speaker

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Sir Francis and Lady Molamure being welcomed by the crowds after being elected speaker

When the Donoughmore constitution was put into effect, one of the key changes that happened in Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then), was the abolition of the Legislative Council and the formation of the State Council. Among its most groundbreaking reforms was the introduction of universal suffrage—the right for every man and woman over the age of 21 to vote, regardless of class, caste, race or gender. Ceylon thus became the first country in Asia to adopt such a democratic principle, well ahead of its regional neighbours.

Under the Donoughmore Constitution, 50 members representing various constituencies of the country were elected to the State Council as well as 8 others were nominated and appointed by the Governor. Despite the obvious advantages of voting the State Council had, the candidates who prepared themselves for elections ran as mere individuals rather than as members of a political party.

Background

At that time, there were hardly any political parties in Ceylon. However, most of the candidates for the election were members of the Ceylon National Congress, the largest political organization in the country. Ironically, in the absence of a party system, there rose an awkward spectacle when fellow members of the CNC fought against each other for the same seat. The elections themselves were held across a few days in June 1931.

Four of the five constituencies in the North boycotted the election in opposition to the lack of communal representation under the Donoughmore Constitution. Even in this inaugural election of Ceylon, there was intimidation of voters and some violence on election day. Nevertheless, 46 out of 50 representatives were elected, marking a landmark achievement in Ceylon. Apart from these members and the nominated members, three others, known as the Officers of State, were appointed by the Governor were also deemed members of the State Council.

These three were the Chief Secretary, Legal Secretary (Attorney General), and Financial Secretary (Treasurer). These officers, though not having the legal power to vote in session, had many powers vested to them. Essentially, the State Council was a semi-parliamentary system, with the obvious lacking an Opposition. It was hybrid model of self-governance, blending colonial oversight with elected representation—an experimental step toward full independence. For the first time in the country’s legislature, the position of Speaker was introduced. The Speaker presides over Council sessions, maintains order, ensures fair debate, enforces rules, remains impartial, manages administrative functions, and represents the State Council in official and ceremonial capacities.

For the sessions of the State Council, a grand building was being constructed by the Public Works Department. By the time, the elections were completed, the building was also ready to host the first session of the State Council. Unlike in the Legislative Council, the State Council, by the new Constitution, required the appointment of a Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Deputy Chaiman of Committees. All these three positions were to be filled by 3 of the either elected or nominated State Councillors.

Two groups of State Councillors Left image: European Councillors and a Kandyan Councillor Right Image: S. A. Wickremasinghe, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, George E. de Silva, A. Ratnayake, P.B. Nugawela Dissawe

Inaugural Session of the State Council

The inaugural session of the newly constituted legislative body unfolded with ceremonial grandeur and a curious blend of anticipation and solemnity. An interested crowd of onlookers lined the short wall which separated Lotus Road from the Council premises and watched the members stepping out of their conveyances. Scattered throughout the Chamber were several distinguished figures, including almost all the newly elected and appointed State Councillors. The only exception was Mr. G. C. S. Corea (later Sir Claude Corea) whose commanding popularity in Chilaw had earned him the largest majority. He was notably absent, having been admitted to a private hospital in Colombo due to a severe bout of influenza.

The Ceylon Daily News (July 8, 1931) made a candid report on the onlookers of the first session: “In the galleries of the Council the fair sex was well represented, and the ladies critically studied the members’ features and clothes”. The Times of Ceylon (July 7, 1931) made an even more interesting remark: “When the assembly bell rang there was hardly a seat vacant in the house. In the four galleries wives, daughters and friends of members were talking and looking down into the mon. below, to catch the eye of this or that member, and to give an embarrassed little wave in reply to a smile. The Ceylon Daily News reporter continued as follows:

“Mr. Jayathilaka (Sir Baron), in a very sober suit of clothes and a wing collar, was an early arrival in the Council Chamber and was soon followed by Mr. Bandaranaike in national dress. His sock suspenders and spectacles alone betrayed a foreign origin. A thin cane finished in Kandyan lacquer work completed the outfit. From a corner of the Chamber Meedeniya Adigar smiled with tolerance as he contemplated Mr. Bandaranaike. Nugawela Dissawe, in the full regalia of the Kandyan dress, brocaded collar and four cornered hat, came in the company of Mr. Abeyagoonasekera.

Mr. Abeyagoonasekera wore a navy-blue suit, mauve orchid and shiny locks over his neck in unconscious imitation of a Victorian statesman. If, like Samson, Mr. Abeyagoonasekera decides to crop his hair short, he would be a less picturesque figure.

Next on the scene were the two Labour members, Messrs. Goonesinha and Dassenaike in flaming red ties, and Mr. Dassenaike also wearing a red button on the lapel of his coat… Mr. Newnham could not but have helped noticing the only morning coat in the Chamber, elegantly encasing the courtly figure of Mr. Obeyesekere. Sartorially, uncle and nephew are Poles apart, and they are both whole-hoggers. The nephew of course, is the latest recruit to national dress… the turbans of the two elected Indian members were seen on the horizon. Mr. Peri Sunderam’s has a streak of gold on it, and he also wears a sash over a long white tunic court. Mr. Vyathialingam on the other hand, crowns a torso in European clothes with a snow-white turban.”

Francis Molamure giving his first speech in the State Council

The first task of the State Council was to elect the Speaker.

The Election of the Speaker

The arrival of the Officers of State—Sir Bernard Bourdillon (Chief Secretary), Sir Wilfrid Woods (Financial Secretary), and Mr. E. St. J. Jackson (Legal Secretary)—signalled the formal commencement of business. These senior officials took their seats on the Speaker’s left, while three Tamil members assumed the front-centre benches once reserved for the executive leaders of the former Council. The other members who clad in the national dress were Robert de Zoysa, C. W. W. Kannangara and Dr. Saravanamuttu.

As the Assembly bell struck 10 a.m., the Clerk of the House stepped in to formally announce the Governor’s assent to the day’s first and most consequential order of business: the election of the Speaker. W. A. de Silva proposed A. F. Molamure, seconded by W. T. B. Karaliadde. In response, Sir Thomas Villiers—builder of Adisham Bungalow and author of Mercantile Lore—nominated Sir Stewart Schneider, with Macan Markar as seconder.

The press had already splashed the news across their front pages, complete with the names and credentials of the two contenders vying for the Speaker’s chair—even before their formal nominations. Molamure, a Kandyan Sinhalese congressman, commanded the support of all 17 members of the Ceylon National Congress. Schneider, a Dutch Burgher, was the preferred candidate of the European bloc. On July 6, a pivotal meeting at the Bristol Hotel, convened by Liberal League members under E. W. Perera and Kandyan delegates, attempted a compromise to avoid a contest—but neither candidate relented. After that, the result seemed inevitable.

Sir Francis Molamure

Candidates, in Profile

Alexander Francis Molamure (1885–1951) was a striking personality. An alumnus of S. Thomas’ College, then at Mutwal, he captained the school’s cricket 1st XI in 1903. Called to the Bar, he practiced in Kegalle, occasionally serving as Police Magistrate and District Judge. His rise in politics was swift—first elected to the Legislative Council for Kegalle, and in 1931 returned unopposed from Dedigama to the State Council. The Times of Ceylon hailed him for his eloquence and mastery of parliamentary procedure, while Ceylon Causerie (1931, No. 4) described him as “a fluent and polished speaker… whose fairness and judicial temperament made him ideally suited to serve as the State Council’s first Speaker.”

Off the floor, Molamure was a celebrated cricketer. He represented both the Nondescripts and Sinhalese Sports Club, distinguishing himself in fielding and batting. He also played in the annual Ceylonese vs. Europeans match and was part of the team that faced M. A. Noble’s and P. Mac Allister’s Australians in 1909. A noted elephant hunter, he took part in several kraals. His charisma was legend—he was said to charm many with his quick wit. At a Governor’s function, he famously quipped to Lady Stubbs, “May I light my cigarette with the light in the eye of my Lady?”—a remark that earned him a lifetime ban from all gubernatorial events by a thoroughly displeased Sir Reginald Stubbs.

Sir Stewart Schneider (1864–1938) was a prominent Ceylonese legal luminary and public figure. He was admitted to the local Bar as an Advocate in 1898 and established a successful legal practice, while also serving as a lecturer at the Ceylon Law College. In 1917, he briefly held office as the 7th Solicitor General of Ceylon, and in 1921, served in acting Puisne Justice of the Supreme Court. For his service, he was knighted in 1928. Beyond his legal career, Schneider was actively involved in civic and religious life: he was a member of the Foreign and British Bible Society and a former President of the YMCA. A grandson of Gualterus Schneider, Ceylon’s first Surveyor-General, he hailed from a family with longstanding roots in Jaffna dating back to the Dutch colonial era.

Strikingly, both Molamure and Schneider were lawyers, affluent, and old boys of S. Thomas’ College—with cricketing legacies. Before Schneider rose to legal prominence, he had served as a teacher and cricket master at the College for 13 years—ironically mentoring young Molamure, the very man now contesting him for Speaker.

With nominations complete, the chamber moved to the secret ballot. The atmosphere, tense and hushed, evoked a Papal conclave. The secret ballot papers were distributed and duly filled in. A peon then carried around the ballot box—an unnecessarily large and cumbersome vessel for holding scarcely sixty slips of paper. Once the final vote was cast, the box was brought to the Clerk of the House, who summoned the Chief Secretary and the Legal Secretary to serve as scrutineers. With focused solemnity, Sir Bernard Bourdillon drew the slips one by one from the box. Votes cast for Sir Stewart Schneider were placed beneath a paperweight, while those for Mr. A. F. Molamure were handed to Mr. Jackson.

Every eye in the chamber was fixed upon the unfolding count.
“One, two—for Mr. Molamure.”
“One—for Sir Stewart.”
“Three, four, five—for Mr. Molamure.”
“Two, three—for Sir Stewart.”

Members and pressmen alike silently tallied the result, some visibly anxious, others quietly backing their favourites. By the time the Clerk officially announced the outcome, the result was already apparent:

A. F. Molamure – 35

Sir Stewart Schneider – 18

At last, the verdict was clear—A. F. Molamure secured 35 votes to Sir Stewart Schneider’s 18. Cheers echoed through the chamber as Members rose to extend their congratulations even before Schneider’s votes were announced. The House then adjourned until 2.30 p.m., having ceremonially ushered in a new chapter in the island’s legislative history.

Aftermath

Following his election, the newly appointed Speaker of the State Council, Hon. A. F. Molamure, was formally received at Queen’s House by Sir Graeme Thompson, the Governor. Accompanied by his proposer, W. A. de Silva, and seconder, W. T. B. Karaliadde, the Speaker was escorted from the Council Chamber by the Governor’s Private Secretary, Mr. H. S. M. Hoare.

At Queen’s House, the Governor warmly welcomed the Speaker and his party, proposing a toast to the Speaker’s health. In a message conveyed to the Council, His Excellency expressed his full approval, on behalf of His Majesty the King, of Mr. Molamure’s appointment. Upon returning, the Speaker took his oath of office and administered the oath to the other members. The Council then adjourned until 10 a.m. the following day.

Molamure was a controversial man, who was involved in alleged financial scandals and elephant kraals, the former prompting him to resign from his post as Speaker as well as his seat in 1934. However, as a Speaker and politician, he was par excellence. He re-entered State Council in 1943 through a by-election and was elected to the 1st Parliament of Ceylon in 1947 as was elected Speaker again, this time in Parliament. Thus, he had the unique record of being the first Speaker of both the State Council and Parliament of Ceylon.

Conclusion

The inaugural session of the State Council was a momentous chapter in Ceylon’s democratic evolution—an occasion steeped in ceremony, symbolism, and spirited contest. Through the election of A. F. Molamure as its first Speaker, the Council not only embraced a new constitutional framework but also reflected the island’s cultural diversity and political maturity. Molamure’s blend of oratory, charisma, and parliamentary acumen positioned him as a defining figure of the era.

Despite controversies that would later shadow his career, his ascent marked the beginning of a bold experiment in self-governance—one that laid the foundation for modern parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka. Pieter Keneuman who served as an MP for 30 years (1947-1977) wrote one of the best tributes on Molamure as follows: “… Francis Molamure was the most outstanding of them all (Speakers). He was seldom at a loss in retaining the delicate balance between allowing free debate and maintaining order and decorum… Francis Molamure really loved the House, and it was typical of the man that, even when he collapsed in the Chair of a heart attack and was being carried out to his death bed, he tried his best – however weakly – to give the House his final bow of farewell.” (Souvenir of the Opening of the New Parliament, Daily News April 29, 1982)

By Avishka Mario Senewiratne,
Editor, The Ceylon Journal ✍️



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Features

The Venezuela Model:The new ugly and dangerous world order

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The US armed forces invading Venezuela, removing its President Nicolás Maduro from power and abducting him and his wife Cilia Flores on 3 January 2026, flying them to New York and producing Maduro in a New York kangaroo court is now stale news, but a fact. What is a far more potent fact is the pan-global impotent response to this aggression except in Latin America, China, Russia and a few others.

Colombian President Gustavo Petro described the attack as an “assault on the sovereignty” of Latin America, thereby portraying the aggression as an assault on the whole of Latin America. Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva referred to the attack as crossing “an unacceptable line” that set an “extremely dangerous precedent.” Again, one can see his concern goes beyond Venezuela. For Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum the attack was in “clear violation” of the UN Charter, which again is a fact. But when it comes to powerful countries, the UN Charter has been increasingly rendered irrelevant over decades, and by extension, the UN itself. For the French Foreign Minister, the operation went against the “principle of non-use of force that underpins international law” and that lasting political solutions cannot be “imposed by the outside.” UN Secretary General António Guterres said he was “deeply alarmed” about the “dangerous precedent” the United States has set where rules of international law were not being respected. Russia, notwithstanding its bloody and costly entanglement in Ukraine, and China have also issued strong statements.

Comparatively however, many other countries, many of whom are long term US allies who have been vocal against the Russian aggression in Ukraine have been far more sedate in their reaction. Compared to his Foreign Minister, French President Emmanuel Macron said the Venezuelan people could “only rejoice” at the ousting of Maduro while the German Chancellor Friedrich Merz believed Maduro had “led his country into ruin” and that the U.S. intervention required “careful consideration.” The British and EU statements have been equally lukewarm. India’s and Sri Lanka’s statements do not even mention the US while Sri Lanka’s main coalition partner the JVP has issued a strongly worded statement.

Taken together, what is lacking in most of these views, barring a negligible few, especially from the so-called powerful countries, is the moral indignation or outrage on a broad scale that used to be the case in similar circumstances earlier. It appears that a new ugly and dangerous world order has finally arrived, footprints of which have been visible for some time.

It is not that the US has not invaded sovereign countries and affected regime change or facilitated such change for political or economic reasons earlier. This has been attempted in Cuba without success since the 1950s but with success in Chile in 1973 under the auspices of Augusto Pinochet that toppled the legitimate government of president Salvador Allende and established a long-lasting dictatorship friendly towards the US; the invasion of Panama and the ouster and capture of President Manuel Noriega in 1989 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq both of which were conducted under the presidency of George Bush.

These are merely a handful of cross border criminal activities against other countries focused on regime change that the US has been involved in since its establishment which also includes the ouster of President of Guyana Cheddi Jagan in 1964, the US invasion of the Dominican Republic in 1965 stop the return of President Juan Bosch to prevent a ‘communist resurgence’; the 1983 US invasion of Grenada after the overthrow and killing of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop purportedly to ensure that the island would not become a ‘Soviet-Cuban’ colony. A more recent adventure was the 2004 removal and kidnapping of the Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which also had French support.

There is however a difference between all the earlier examples of US aggression and the Venezuelan operation. The earlier operations where the real reasons may have varied from political considerations based on ideological divergence to crude economics, were all couched in the rhetoric of democracy. That is, they were undertaken in the guise of ushering democratic changes in those countries, the region or the world irrespective of the long-term death and destruction which followed in some locations. But in Venezuela under President Donald Trump, it is all about controlling natural resources in that country to satisfy US commercial interests.

The US President is already on record for saying the US will “run” Venezuela until a “safe transition” is concluded and US oil companies will “go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money” – ostensibly for the US and those in Venezuela who will tag the US line. Trump is also on record saying that the main aim of the operation was to regain U.S. oil rights, which according to him were “stolen” when Venezuela nationalized the industry. The nationalization was obviously to ensure that the funds from the industry remained in the country even though in later times this did lead to massive internal corruption.

Let’s be realistic. Whatever the noise of the new rhetoric is, this is not about ‘developing’ Venezuela for the benefit of its people based on some unknown streak of altruism but crudely controlling and exploiting its natural assets as was the case with Iraq. As crude as it is, one must appreciate Trump’s unintelligent honesty stemming from his own unmitigated megalomania. Whatever US government officials may say, the bottom line is the entire operation was planned and carried out purely for commercial and monetary gain while the pretext was Maduro being ‘a narco-terrorist.’ There is no question that Maduro was a dictator who was ruining his own country. But there is also no question that it is not the business of the US or any other country to decide what his or Venezuela’s fate is. That remains with the Venezuelan people.

What is dangerous is, the same ‘narco-terrorist’ rhetoric can also be applied to other Latin American countries such as Columbia, Brazil and Mexico which also produce some of the narcotics that come into the US consumer markets. The response should be not to invade these countries to stem the flow, but to deal with the market itself, which is the US. In real terms what Trump has achieved with his invasion of Venezuela for purely commercial gain and greed, followed by the abject silence or lukewarm reaction from most of the world, is to create a dangerous and ugly new normal for military actions across international borders. The veneer of democracy has also been dispensed with.

The danger lies in the fact that this new doctrine or model Trump has devised can similarly be applied to any country whose resources or land a powerful megalomaniac leader covets as long as he has unlimited access to military assets of his country, backed by the dubius remnants of the political and social safety networks, commonsense and ethics that have been conveniently dismantled. This is a description of the present-day United States too. This danger is boosted when the world remains silent. After the success of the Venezuela operation, Trump has already upended his continuing threats to annex Greenland because “we need Greenland from the standpoint of national security.” Greenland too is not about security, but commerce given its vast natural resources.

Hours after Venezuela, Trump threatened the Colombian President Gustavo Petro to “watch his ass.” In the present circumstances, Canadians also would not have forgotten Trump’s threat earlier in 2025 to annex Canada. But what the US President and his current bandwagon replete with arrogance and depleted intelligence would not understand is, beyond the short-term success of the Venezuela operation and its euphoria, the dangerous new normal they have ushered in would also create counter threats towards the US, the region and the world in a scale far greater than what exists today. The world will also become a far less safe place for ordinary American citizens.

More crucially, it will also complicate global relations. It would no longer be possible for the mute world leaders to condemn Russian action in Ukraine or if China were to invade Taiwan. The model has been created by Trump, and these leaders have endorsed it. My reading is that their silence is not merely political timidity, but strategic to their own national and self-interest, to see if the Trump model could be adopted in other situations in future if the fallout can be managed.

The model for the ugly new normal has been created and tested by Trump. Its deciding factors are greed and dismantled ethics. It is now up to other adventurers to fine tune it. We would be mere spectators and unwitting casualties.

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Beyond the beauty: Hidden risks at waterfalls

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Bambarakanda waterfall. Image courtesy LANKA EXCURSIONS HOLIDAYS

Sri Lanka is blessed with a large number of scenic waterfalls, mainly concentrated in the central highlands. These natural features substantially enhance the country’s attractiveness to tourists. Further, these famous waterfalls equally attract thousands of local visitors throughout the year.

While waterfalls offer aesthetic appeal, a serene environment, and recreational opportunities, they also pose a range of significant hazards. Unfortunately, the visitors are often unable to identify these different types of risks, as site-specific safety information and proper warning signs are largely absent. In most locations, only general warnings are displayed, often limited to the number of past fatalities. This can lead visitors to assume that bathing is the sole hazard, which is not the case. Therefore, understanding the full range of waterfall-related risks and implementing appropriate safety measures is essential for preventing loss of life. This article highlights site-specific hazards to raise public awareness and prevent people from putting their lives at risk due to these hidden dangers.

Flash floods and resultant water surges

Flash floods are a significant hazard in hill-country waterfalls. According to the country’s topography, most of the streams originate from the catchments in the hilly areas upstream of the waterfalls. When these catchments receive intense rainfalls, the subsequent runoff will flow down as flash floods. This will lead to an unexpected rise in the flow of the waterfall, increasing the risk of drowning and even sweeping away people.  Therefore, bathing at such locations is extremely dangerous, and those who are even at the river banks have to be vigilant and should stay away from the stream as much as possible. The Bopath Ella, Ravana Ella, and a few waterfalls located in the Belihul Oya area, closer to the A99 road, are classic examples of this scenario.

Water currents 

The behaviour of water in the natural pool associated with the waterfall is complex and unpredictable. Although the water surface may appear calm, strong subsurface currents and hydraulic forces exist that even a skilled swimmer cannot overcome. Hence, a person who immerses confidently may get trapped inside and disappear. Water from a high fall accelerates rapidly, forming hydraulic jumps and vortices that can trap swimmers or cause panic. Hence, bathing in these natural pools should be totally avoided unless there is clear evidence that they are safe.

Slipping risks

Slipping is a common hazard around waterfalls. Sudden loss of footing can lead to serious injuries or fatal falls into deep pools or rock surfaces. The area around many waterfalls consists of steep, slippery rocks due to moisture and the growth of algae. Sometimes, people are overconfident and try to climb these rocks for the thrill of it and to get a better view of the area. Further, due to the presence of submerged rocks, water depths vary in the natural pool area, and there is a chance of sliding down along slippery rocks into deep water. Waterfalls such as Diyaluma, Bambarakanda, and Ravana Falls are likely locations for such hazards, and caution around these sites is a must.

Rockfalls

Rockfalls are a significant hazard around waterfalls in steep terrains. Falling rocks can cause serious injuries or fatalities, and smaller stones may also be carried by fast-flowing water. People bathing directly beneath waterfalls, especially smaller ones, are therefore exposed to a high risk of injury. Accordingly, regardless of the height of the waterfall, bathing under the falling water should be avoided.

Hypothermia and cold shock

Hypothermia is a drop in body temperature below 35°C due to cold exposure. This leads to mental confusion, slowed heartbeat, muscle stiffening, and even cardiac arrest may follow. Waterfalls in Nuwara Eliya district often have very low water temperatures. Hence, immersing oneself in these waters is dangerous, particularly for an extended period.

Human negligence

Additional hazards also arise from visitors’ own negligence. Overcrowding at popular waterfalls significantly increases the risk of accidents, including slips and falls from cliffs. Sometimes, visitors like to take adventurous photographs in dangerous positions. Reckless behavior, such as climbing over barriers, ignoring warning signs, or swimming in prohibited zones, amplifies the risk.

Mitigation and safety

measures

Mitigation of waterfall-related hazards requires a combination of public awareness, engineering solutions, and policy enforcement. Clear warning signs that indicate the specific hazards associated with the water fall, rather than general hazard warnings, must be fixed. Educating visitors verbally and distributing bills that include necessary guidelines at ticket counters, where applicable, will be worth considering. Furthermore, certain restrictions should vary depending on the circumstances, especially seasonal variation of water flow, existing weather, etc.

Physical barriers should be installed to prevent access to dangerous areas by fencing. A viewing platform can protect people from many hazards discussed above. For bathing purposes, safer zones can be demarcated with access facilities.

Installing an early warning system for heavily crowded waterfalls like Bopath Ella, which is prone to flash floods, is worth implementing. Through a proper mechanism, a warning system can alert visitors when the upstream area receives rainfall that may lead to flash floods in the stream.

At present, there are hardly any officials to monitor activities around waterfalls. The local authorities that issue tickets and collect revenue have to deploy field officers to these waterfalls sites for monitoring the activities of visitors. This will help reduce not only accidents but also activities that cause environmental pollution and damage. We must ensure that these natural treasures remain a source of wonder rather than danger.

(The writer is a chartered Civil Engineer specialising in water resources engineering)

By Eng. Thushara Dissanayake ✍️

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From sacred symbol to silent victim: Sri Lanka’s elephants in crisis

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The year 2025 began with grim news. On 1st January, a baby elephant was struck and killed by a train in Habarana, marking the start of a tragic series of elephant–train collisions that continued throughout the year. In addition to these incidents, the nation mourned the deaths of well-known elephants such as Bathiya and Kandalame Hedakaraya, among many others. As the year drew on, further distressing reports emerged, including the case of an injured elephant that was burnt with fire, an act of extreme cruelty that ultimately led to its death. By the end of the year, Sri Lanka recorded the highest number of elephant deaths in Asia.

This sorrowful reality stands in stark contrast to Sri Lanka’s ancient spiritual heritage. Around 250 BCE, at Mihintale, Arahant Mahinda delivered the Cūḷahatthipadopama Sutta (The Shorter Discourse on the Simile of the Elephant’s Footprint) to King Devanampiyatissa, marking the official introduction of Buddhism to the island. The elephant, a symbol deeply woven into this historic moment, was once associated with wisdom, restraint, and reverence.

Yet the recent association between Mihintale and elephants has been anything but noble. At Mihintale an elephant known as Ambabo, already suffering from a serious injury to his front limb due to human–elephant conflict (HEC), endured further cruelty when certain local individuals attempted to chase him away using flaming torches, burning him with fire. Despite the efforts of wildlife veterinary surgeons, Ambabo eventually succumbed to his injuries. The post-mortem report confirmed severe liver and kidney impairment, along with extensive trauma caused by the burns.

Was prevention possible?

The question that now arises is whether this tragedy could have been prevented.

To answer this, we must examine what went wrong.

When Ambabo first sustained an injury to his forelimb, he did receive veterinary treatment. However, after this initial care, no close or continuous monitoring was carried out. This lack of follow-up is extremely dangerous, especially when an injured elephant remains near human settlements. In such situations, some individuals may attempt to chase, harass, or further harm the animal, without regard for its condition.

A similar sequence of events occurred in the case of Bathiya. He was initially wounded by a trap gun—devices generally intended for poaching bush meat rather than targeting elephants. Following veterinary treatment, his condition showed signs of improvement. Tragically, while he was still recovering, he was shot a second time behind the ear. This second wound likely damaged vital nerves, including the vestibular nerve, which plays a critical role in balance, coordination of movement, gaze stabilisation, spatial orientation, navigation, and trunk control. In effect, the second shooting proved far more devastating than the first.

After Bathiya received his initial treatment, he was left without proper protection due to the absence of assigned wildlife rangers. This critical gap in supervision created the opportunity for the second attack. Only during the final stages of his suffering were the 15th Sri Lanka Artillery Regiment, the 9th Battalion of the Sri Lanka National Guard, and the local police deployed—an intervention that should have taken place much earlier.

Likewise, had Ambabo been properly monitored and protected after his injury, it is highly likely that his condition would not have deteriorated to such a tragic extent.

It should also be mentioned that when an injured animal like an elephant is injured, the animal will undergo a condition that is known as ‘capture myopathy’. It is a severe and often fatal condition that affects wild animals, particularly large mammals such as elephants, deer, antelope, and other ungulates. It is a stress-induced disease that occurs when an animal experiences extreme physical exertion, fear, or prolonged struggle during capture, restraint, transport, or pursuit by humans. The condition develops when intense stress causes a surge of stress hormones, leading to rapid muscle breakdown. This process releases large amounts of muscle proteins and toxins into the bloodstream, overwhelming vital organs such as the kidneys, heart, and liver. As a result, the animal may suffer from muscle degeneration, dehydration, metabolic acidosis, and organ failure. Clinical signs of capture myopathy include muscle stiffness, weakness, trembling, incoordination, abnormal posture, collapse, difficulty breathing, dark-coloured urine, and, in severe cases, sudden death. In elephants, the condition can also cause impaired trunk control, loss of balance, and an inability to stand for prolonged periods. Capture myopathy can appear within hours of a stressful event or may develop gradually over several days. So, if the sick animal is harassed like it happened to Ambabo, it does only make things worse. Unfortunately, once advanced symptoms appear, treatment is extremely difficult and survival rates are low, making prevention the most effective strategy.

What needs to be done?

Ambabo’s harassment was not an isolated incident; at times injured elephants have been subjected to similar treatment by local communities. When an injured elephant remains close to human settlements, it is essential that wildlife officers conduct regular and continuous monitoring. In fact, it should be made mandatory to closely observe elephants in critical condition for a period even after treatment has been administered—particularly when they remain in proximity to villages. This approach is comparable to admitting a critically ill patient to a hospital until recovery is assured.

At present, such sustained monitoring is difficult due to the severe shortage of staff in the Department of Wildlife Conservation. Addressing this requires urgent recruitment and capacity-building initiatives, although these solutions cannot be realised overnight. In the interim, it is vital to enlist the support of the country’s security forces. Their involvement is not merely supportive—it is essential for protecting both wildlife and people.

To mitigate HEC, a Presidential Committee comprising wildlife specialists developed a National Action Plan in 2020. The strategies outlined in this plan were selected for their proven effectiveness, adaptability across different regions and timeframes, and cost-efficiency. The process was inclusive, incorporating extensive consultations with the public and relevant authorities. If this Action Plan is fully implemented, it holds strong potential to significantly reduce HEC and prevent tragedies like the suffering endured by Ambabo. In return it will also benefit villagers living in those areas.

In conclusion, I would like to share the wise words of Arahant Mahinda to the king, which, by the way, apply to every human being:

O’ great king, the beasts that roam the forest and birds that fly the skies have the same right to this land as you. The land belongs to the people and to all other living things, and you are not its owner but only its guardian.

by Tharindu Muthukumarana ✍️
tharinduele@gmail.com
(Author of the award-winning book “The Life of Last Proboscideans: Elephants”)

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