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Of Turbans, Ties and Statesmen: Inaugural Session of the State Council of Ceylon and the election of its first Speaker

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Sir Francis and Lady Molamure being welcomed by the crowds after being elected speaker

When the Donoughmore constitution was put into effect, one of the key changes that happened in Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then), was the abolition of the Legislative Council and the formation of the State Council. Among its most groundbreaking reforms was the introduction of universal suffrage—the right for every man and woman over the age of 21 to vote, regardless of class, caste, race or gender. Ceylon thus became the first country in Asia to adopt such a democratic principle, well ahead of its regional neighbours.

Under the Donoughmore Constitution, 50 members representing various constituencies of the country were elected to the State Council as well as 8 others were nominated and appointed by the Governor. Despite the obvious advantages of voting the State Council had, the candidates who prepared themselves for elections ran as mere individuals rather than as members of a political party.

Background

At that time, there were hardly any political parties in Ceylon. However, most of the candidates for the election were members of the Ceylon National Congress, the largest political organization in the country. Ironically, in the absence of a party system, there rose an awkward spectacle when fellow members of the CNC fought against each other for the same seat. The elections themselves were held across a few days in June 1931.

Four of the five constituencies in the North boycotted the election in opposition to the lack of communal representation under the Donoughmore Constitution. Even in this inaugural election of Ceylon, there was intimidation of voters and some violence on election day. Nevertheless, 46 out of 50 representatives were elected, marking a landmark achievement in Ceylon. Apart from these members and the nominated members, three others, known as the Officers of State, were appointed by the Governor were also deemed members of the State Council.

These three were the Chief Secretary, Legal Secretary (Attorney General), and Financial Secretary (Treasurer). These officers, though not having the legal power to vote in session, had many powers vested to them. Essentially, the State Council was a semi-parliamentary system, with the obvious lacking an Opposition. It was hybrid model of self-governance, blending colonial oversight with elected representation—an experimental step toward full independence. For the first time in the country’s legislature, the position of Speaker was introduced. The Speaker presides over Council sessions, maintains order, ensures fair debate, enforces rules, remains impartial, manages administrative functions, and represents the State Council in official and ceremonial capacities.

For the sessions of the State Council, a grand building was being constructed by the Public Works Department. By the time, the elections were completed, the building was also ready to host the first session of the State Council. Unlike in the Legislative Council, the State Council, by the new Constitution, required the appointment of a Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Deputy Chaiman of Committees. All these three positions were to be filled by 3 of the either elected or nominated State Councillors.

Two groups of State Councillors Left image: European Councillors and a Kandyan Councillor Right Image: S. A. Wickremasinghe, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, George E. de Silva, A. Ratnayake, P.B. Nugawela Dissawe

Inaugural Session of the State Council

The inaugural session of the newly constituted legislative body unfolded with ceremonial grandeur and a curious blend of anticipation and solemnity. An interested crowd of onlookers lined the short wall which separated Lotus Road from the Council premises and watched the members stepping out of their conveyances. Scattered throughout the Chamber were several distinguished figures, including almost all the newly elected and appointed State Councillors. The only exception was Mr. G. C. S. Corea (later Sir Claude Corea) whose commanding popularity in Chilaw had earned him the largest majority. He was notably absent, having been admitted to a private hospital in Colombo due to a severe bout of influenza.

The Ceylon Daily News (July 8, 1931) made a candid report on the onlookers of the first session: “In the galleries of the Council the fair sex was well represented, and the ladies critically studied the members’ features and clothes”. The Times of Ceylon (July 7, 1931) made an even more interesting remark: “When the assembly bell rang there was hardly a seat vacant in the house. In the four galleries wives, daughters and friends of members were talking and looking down into the mon. below, to catch the eye of this or that member, and to give an embarrassed little wave in reply to a smile. The Ceylon Daily News reporter continued as follows:

“Mr. Jayathilaka (Sir Baron), in a very sober suit of clothes and a wing collar, was an early arrival in the Council Chamber and was soon followed by Mr. Bandaranaike in national dress. His sock suspenders and spectacles alone betrayed a foreign origin. A thin cane finished in Kandyan lacquer work completed the outfit. From a corner of the Chamber Meedeniya Adigar smiled with tolerance as he contemplated Mr. Bandaranaike. Nugawela Dissawe, in the full regalia of the Kandyan dress, brocaded collar and four cornered hat, came in the company of Mr. Abeyagoonasekera.

Mr. Abeyagoonasekera wore a navy-blue suit, mauve orchid and shiny locks over his neck in unconscious imitation of a Victorian statesman. If, like Samson, Mr. Abeyagoonasekera decides to crop his hair short, he would be a less picturesque figure.

Next on the scene were the two Labour members, Messrs. Goonesinha and Dassenaike in flaming red ties, and Mr. Dassenaike also wearing a red button on the lapel of his coat… Mr. Newnham could not but have helped noticing the only morning coat in the Chamber, elegantly encasing the courtly figure of Mr. Obeyesekere. Sartorially, uncle and nephew are Poles apart, and they are both whole-hoggers. The nephew of course, is the latest recruit to national dress… the turbans of the two elected Indian members were seen on the horizon. Mr. Peri Sunderam’s has a streak of gold on it, and he also wears a sash over a long white tunic court. Mr. Vyathialingam on the other hand, crowns a torso in European clothes with a snow-white turban.”

Francis Molamure giving his first speech in the State Council

The first task of the State Council was to elect the Speaker.

The Election of the Speaker

The arrival of the Officers of State—Sir Bernard Bourdillon (Chief Secretary), Sir Wilfrid Woods (Financial Secretary), and Mr. E. St. J. Jackson (Legal Secretary)—signalled the formal commencement of business. These senior officials took their seats on the Speaker’s left, while three Tamil members assumed the front-centre benches once reserved for the executive leaders of the former Council. The other members who clad in the national dress were Robert de Zoysa, C. W. W. Kannangara and Dr. Saravanamuttu.

As the Assembly bell struck 10 a.m., the Clerk of the House stepped in to formally announce the Governor’s assent to the day’s first and most consequential order of business: the election of the Speaker. W. A. de Silva proposed A. F. Molamure, seconded by W. T. B. Karaliadde. In response, Sir Thomas Villiers—builder of Adisham Bungalow and author of Mercantile Lore—nominated Sir Stewart Schneider, with Macan Markar as seconder.

The press had already splashed the news across their front pages, complete with the names and credentials of the two contenders vying for the Speaker’s chair—even before their formal nominations. Molamure, a Kandyan Sinhalese congressman, commanded the support of all 17 members of the Ceylon National Congress. Schneider, a Dutch Burgher, was the preferred candidate of the European bloc. On July 6, a pivotal meeting at the Bristol Hotel, convened by Liberal League members under E. W. Perera and Kandyan delegates, attempted a compromise to avoid a contest—but neither candidate relented. After that, the result seemed inevitable.

Sir Francis Molamure

Candidates, in Profile

Alexander Francis Molamure (1885–1951) was a striking personality. An alumnus of S. Thomas’ College, then at Mutwal, he captained the school’s cricket 1st XI in 1903. Called to the Bar, he practiced in Kegalle, occasionally serving as Police Magistrate and District Judge. His rise in politics was swift—first elected to the Legislative Council for Kegalle, and in 1931 returned unopposed from Dedigama to the State Council. The Times of Ceylon hailed him for his eloquence and mastery of parliamentary procedure, while Ceylon Causerie (1931, No. 4) described him as “a fluent and polished speaker… whose fairness and judicial temperament made him ideally suited to serve as the State Council’s first Speaker.”

Off the floor, Molamure was a celebrated cricketer. He represented both the Nondescripts and Sinhalese Sports Club, distinguishing himself in fielding and batting. He also played in the annual Ceylonese vs. Europeans match and was part of the team that faced M. A. Noble’s and P. Mac Allister’s Australians in 1909. A noted elephant hunter, he took part in several kraals. His charisma was legend—he was said to charm many with his quick wit. At a Governor’s function, he famously quipped to Lady Stubbs, “May I light my cigarette with the light in the eye of my Lady?”—a remark that earned him a lifetime ban from all gubernatorial events by a thoroughly displeased Sir Reginald Stubbs.

Sir Stewart Schneider (1864–1938) was a prominent Ceylonese legal luminary and public figure. He was admitted to the local Bar as an Advocate in 1898 and established a successful legal practice, while also serving as a lecturer at the Ceylon Law College. In 1917, he briefly held office as the 7th Solicitor General of Ceylon, and in 1921, served in acting Puisne Justice of the Supreme Court. For his service, he was knighted in 1928. Beyond his legal career, Schneider was actively involved in civic and religious life: he was a member of the Foreign and British Bible Society and a former President of the YMCA. A grandson of Gualterus Schneider, Ceylon’s first Surveyor-General, he hailed from a family with longstanding roots in Jaffna dating back to the Dutch colonial era.

Strikingly, both Molamure and Schneider were lawyers, affluent, and old boys of S. Thomas’ College—with cricketing legacies. Before Schneider rose to legal prominence, he had served as a teacher and cricket master at the College for 13 years—ironically mentoring young Molamure, the very man now contesting him for Speaker.

With nominations complete, the chamber moved to the secret ballot. The atmosphere, tense and hushed, evoked a Papal conclave. The secret ballot papers were distributed and duly filled in. A peon then carried around the ballot box—an unnecessarily large and cumbersome vessel for holding scarcely sixty slips of paper. Once the final vote was cast, the box was brought to the Clerk of the House, who summoned the Chief Secretary and the Legal Secretary to serve as scrutineers. With focused solemnity, Sir Bernard Bourdillon drew the slips one by one from the box. Votes cast for Sir Stewart Schneider were placed beneath a paperweight, while those for Mr. A. F. Molamure were handed to Mr. Jackson.

Every eye in the chamber was fixed upon the unfolding count.
“One, two—for Mr. Molamure.”
“One—for Sir Stewart.”
“Three, four, five—for Mr. Molamure.”
“Two, three—for Sir Stewart.”

Members and pressmen alike silently tallied the result, some visibly anxious, others quietly backing their favourites. By the time the Clerk officially announced the outcome, the result was already apparent:

A. F. Molamure – 35

Sir Stewart Schneider – 18

At last, the verdict was clear—A. F. Molamure secured 35 votes to Sir Stewart Schneider’s 18. Cheers echoed through the chamber as Members rose to extend their congratulations even before Schneider’s votes were announced. The House then adjourned until 2.30 p.m., having ceremonially ushered in a new chapter in the island’s legislative history.

Aftermath

Following his election, the newly appointed Speaker of the State Council, Hon. A. F. Molamure, was formally received at Queen’s House by Sir Graeme Thompson, the Governor. Accompanied by his proposer, W. A. de Silva, and seconder, W. T. B. Karaliadde, the Speaker was escorted from the Council Chamber by the Governor’s Private Secretary, Mr. H. S. M. Hoare.

At Queen’s House, the Governor warmly welcomed the Speaker and his party, proposing a toast to the Speaker’s health. In a message conveyed to the Council, His Excellency expressed his full approval, on behalf of His Majesty the King, of Mr. Molamure’s appointment. Upon returning, the Speaker took his oath of office and administered the oath to the other members. The Council then adjourned until 10 a.m. the following day.

Molamure was a controversial man, who was involved in alleged financial scandals and elephant kraals, the former prompting him to resign from his post as Speaker as well as his seat in 1934. However, as a Speaker and politician, he was par excellence. He re-entered State Council in 1943 through a by-election and was elected to the 1st Parliament of Ceylon in 1947 as was elected Speaker again, this time in Parliament. Thus, he had the unique record of being the first Speaker of both the State Council and Parliament of Ceylon.

Conclusion

The inaugural session of the State Council was a momentous chapter in Ceylon’s democratic evolution—an occasion steeped in ceremony, symbolism, and spirited contest. Through the election of A. F. Molamure as its first Speaker, the Council not only embraced a new constitutional framework but also reflected the island’s cultural diversity and political maturity. Molamure’s blend of oratory, charisma, and parliamentary acumen positioned him as a defining figure of the era.

Despite controversies that would later shadow his career, his ascent marked the beginning of a bold experiment in self-governance—one that laid the foundation for modern parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka. Pieter Keneuman who served as an MP for 30 years (1947-1977) wrote one of the best tributes on Molamure as follows: “… Francis Molamure was the most outstanding of them all (Speakers). He was seldom at a loss in retaining the delicate balance between allowing free debate and maintaining order and decorum… Francis Molamure really loved the House, and it was typical of the man that, even when he collapsed in the Chair of a heart attack and was being carried out to his death bed, he tried his best – however weakly – to give the House his final bow of farewell.” (Souvenir of the Opening of the New Parliament, Daily News April 29, 1982)

By Avishka Mario Senewiratne,
Editor, The Ceylon Journal ✍️



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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