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Normal New Year service after a pre-Christmas World Cup

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by Rajan Philips

For auld lang syne, my dear,
for auld lang syne,
we’ll take a cup of kindness yet,
for auld lang syne.

It is not an exaggeration to say that 2022 ended on a high football note as more than half the world’s adult population watched the World Cup Final in Qatar on the penultimate Sunday of the year. Christmas came a week later on the last Sunday of 2022, giving extra time for the seasonal cup of kindness, more so in Argentina which won the World Cup beating France in a penalty shootout after two hours of riveting football. For a country that once (1890s) boasted per capita GDP higher than the US and had it thrice as high Japan in 1950, Argentina now has people living in poverty at 40% and inflation running at 100%. The country confounds economists, but its people have a World Cup of kindness to cheer for auld lang syne (for the sake of old times).

For Qatar and the Arab World, hosting the World Cup had other meanings. It turned out to be a most politically charged sporting event in recent times, with spectator support ranging from pro-Palestinian sympathies to anti-Iranian slogans in solidarity with the prolonged and widespread protests against the government in Iran. Not surprisingly, the western media took the old approach of Orientalism (Edward Said’s celebrated concept critiquing the West’s ‘patronizing’ and ‘essentializing’ approach to studying others) in treating the Arab world as one static and monolithic culture.

The western media was also a bit rich in cavilling at the apparent religious orthodoxy of the Middle East, forgetting the historical ties between football and churches in England and in Europe, and the continuing connections between them throughout South America. The media carping over the Qatar venue was eventually fizzled out by the level of football and the intensity of games that endured throughout the tournament. Pace the detractors, the opening ceremonies in Doha began with a recitation from the Quran, and the final awards ended with Lionel Messi being wrapped in a bisht, a traditional Arab robe by the Emir of Qatar.

Argentina’s victory was a personal accomplishment for Lionel Messi, the 34-year old, diminutive Argentinian football icon, who not only won the World Cup for the first time in five tries but also became the first player in history to score a goal at every stage of the tournament – the group games, the knockout round, quarter finals, semi finals, and the matchless final match. More mesmerizing than the goals he scored were the setups he magically conjured for his teammates to consummate. It was a Messi World Cup that drew the curtain on an otherwise messed up year for practically every country and for the world as whole.

Pope Francis is an Argentinian of Italian origin and a huge soccer fan, but did not watch the final match apparently sticking to his vow since 1990, not to watch sports on television. For his Christmas message from the Vatican, the Pope seemed to draw from Dante’s Inferno and the icy winds blown by the six wings of Satan half-buried in ice in the ninth circle of Hell reserved for traitors, and spoke of the “icy winds of war buffeting humanity.” He pleaded for an immediate end to the “senseless” war in Ukraine, agonized over conflicts in the Middle East and in Africa’s Sahel region, and ‘prayed’ for peace in Yemen and reconciliation in Iran and Myanmar.

2022 might officially be the last year of Covid-19 if the WHO goes ahead, as it has indicated earlier, and declares 2023 to be Covid-free. But the indication came before the current Covid convulsions in China, and the world can only keep its fingers crossed having gone through an almost identical experience in early 2019. The last four years of Covid-19 have been a unique experience to the current occupants of the planet. Even though the world is far better equipped now to handle another Covid chapter, if, God forbid, one were to open anew, the direct and indirect Covid aftermaths are everywhere. Hopefully, Covid-19 will not be a renewed problem in 2023 for Sri Lanka, which has quite a slate of other crises to contend with in the new year.

Sri Lanka’s Dilemmas

For Sri Lanka, 2022 drew to a close with Gotabaya Rajapaksa leaving for the US, leaving the problems he created in 2022 to be carried over to 2023. The New Year question for President Wickremesinghe is which comes first – economic recovery or national reconciliation? The two can go on parallel tracks but the President has enough detractors to pounce on him if there is some tangible progress on the reconciliation front by February 4, but no IMF agreement by that time. On the other hand, if the reconciliation initiative were to fail for whatever reason, that would be a huge setback and frustrated expectations will become a drag on the much needed economic takeoff.

Mr. Wickremesinghe, who has said that he has been keeping out of ‘party politics’ after becoming President, would be well advised to keep it that way in decisions over the timing and conduct of local government elections. He should leave it to the Election Commission to do its job and keep himself at a far enough distance from party campaigns for the local elections. He might, however, consider including referendum questions on the local election ballot to gauge the people’s opinion on nationally important matters.

On the economic front, it is somewhat puzzling why the President has not considered initiating an All-Party conversation on the economy, similar to the one on reconciliation. In fact, an APC on the economy should have come earlier and it had better be now rather than later, or, worse, never. The President could also expand the circle of consultation on the economy by including the Governor of the Central Bank and a cluster of economic experts.

The Opposition SJB has already called for a Parliamentary Select Committee to probe into the decision makings of the Gotabaya Administration that led to Sri Lanka’s uniquely ‘man made’ economic crisis. Others want to extend the probe to assess any potential impact of the Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 on the current forex crisis insofar as loopholes in the law have been used by exporters to stash away their forex earnings in foreign accounts without bringing them home.

Obviously, this is a ruse to entrap Ranil Wickremesinghe to share the blame equally with the Rajapaksas for the current crisis. That may be all right with the alleged Ranil-Rajapaksa duopoly, but it would be far fetched to blame the current crisis on the 2017 law. According to published data and dollar amounts, 65% of export incomes were repatriated until July 2021. The current repatriation rate is 23%, and the decline began after July 2021, due not so much to the 2017 law as to the more recent collapse of the rupee against the dollar. Hedging against adverse fluctuations in exchange rates was touted by the export community as one of the two main advantages of the 2017 law, the other being the access to foreign currency loans at currency-specific interest rates which are lower than interest rates for rupee loans.

As well, of the now estimated $53 billion export incomes currently stashed way, $35 billion has been attributed to quite a separate, and potentially illegal, process involving offshore accounts dating back all the way to 2007 – the very beginning of the Rajapaksa yugaya. Add to that all the anecdotal totals of all the other monies that have been spirited away throughout the yugaya, Sri Lanka should be able to find enough stashed away dollars to, at least partially, honour its debt payments and meet forex needs for essential imports.

The government’s focus should be on fighting corruption, perhaps specifically targeting corruption in foreign exchange, but without scaring away established exporters. Foreign currency earnings are not only required to boost the country’s balance of payments, but are also essential for the very survival of businesses as the CB Governor Nandalal Weerasinghe has recently warned. Already big exporters are jittery and are looking for greener pastures abroad even as the government, in its desperation for FDI, is ready to transform Colombo’s Port City into a bunkering harbour after previously selling it as the glittering Dubai of South Asia.

Crime and Corruption

One of the positive aspects of an IMF agreement would be the commitment to fight corruption, which will not be so with bilateral debt restructuring. Perhaps the President should ponder a third All-Party Conference on corruption along with his initiatives on the economy and reconciliation. He should also be more objective, if not careful, in selecting his personal advisers and avoid imposters who could bring national embarrassment to the President by exposing themselves to allegations of being ‘petophiles.’

What I am calling here as the petophile saga involving a presidential advisor and his hyperactive accusers is a rather minor symptom of the depraved conditions that Sri Lankan society is steadily sinking into. The peddling of drugs, attacks on university dons, rising murder rate, extortion, criminal cheating and breach of trust are among the graver symptoms of the island’s social malaise. Perpetrators of crimes are seldom apprehended or prosecuted, while the victims of criminals such as those vulnerable to substance abuse are targeted for harsh treatments and not rehabilitation.

The urgency of this situation was brought home before Christmas by the horrific killing of Dinesh Schaffter. Dayan Jayatilleka has called it “a surreal crime: the gruesome, cruel death of a decent, personable businessman belonging to a well-established family,” one that “illustrates the decay of Sri Lanka in the current period,” and whose “horror is bound to impact the image of the country and its business climate.” No one will disagree.

The onus is on the police to find the culprits, not to broadcast tendentious theories through inspired media leaks. There is growing suspicion that this case is on track to enter Sri Lanka’s long list of unsolved cold cases. If so, it would certainly be considered by UNHRC in Geneva as yet another addition to Sri Lanka’s “emblematic cases.” They are symptomatic of Sri Lanka’s social decay and its broken down law enforcement.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) lists drugs, crime and corruption in addition to terrorism as serious threats to peace, security, human rights and development both globally and within individual countries. Sri Lanka officially prides itself for eliminating terrorism, but has miles to go in combating drugs, crime and corruption. In fact, the incidence of drugs and crime has only increased in the years after terrorism was defeated. This aspect of the Sri Lankan crisis never features on the political radar unlike economic recovery or national reconciliation. There will be no sustainable economic recovery or national reconciliation so long as the national menaces of drugs, crime and corruption continue unabated.



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Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

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An anti-Hamas people’s protest in the Gaza. (BBC)

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.

It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.

In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.

What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.

The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.

Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.

Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.

However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.

Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.

The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.

Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.

Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.

President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.

In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.

Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.

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Chikungunya Fever in Children

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Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.

Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.

When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.

The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.

A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.

In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.

Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.

There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.

While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.

The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.

Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.

Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.

Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.

Dr B. J. C. Perera 

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)

Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal

Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)

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The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

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Prof. Obeyesekere

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:

(Continued from yesterday)

Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.

At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:

1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.

2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.

These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.

The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?

When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:

1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.

2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.

3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.

The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.

Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.

Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.

The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.

In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.

What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?

The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.

The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.

Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.

Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.

BY GAMINI KEERAWELLA

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