Features
New Revolt in the Temple and new Catholic Action
20A troubles:
by Rajan Philips
No one knows who the mice are and who the men are in the current government. But everyone knows that the best laid plans of both – for the 20th Amendment, are going astray. The amendment may still get passed, but the process which began with a bang is teetering to a whimper. The passage may well be a pathetic and Pyrrhic victory. The Administration will have to show how the restored presidential powers (not that they needed any restoration) are going to dramatically change the government’s scrambling responses to the resurgence of Covid-19 and the economic crises.
Basil Rajapaksa may still return to parliament as a dual citizen of Sri Lanka and the US, but many a face will be made behind MPs’ masks on the government side in parliament, while the opposition MPs will keep their masks and howl Basil greetings at any and every opportunity. Face making behind masks will extend to cabinet meetings. To be fair, the dual citizen will also be at liberty to make return faces at his patriotic detractors from behind his own mask.
All in all, it will be a subdued return by Basil Rajapaksa (BR) to parliament and not the triumphant one that he might have been looking for. Most people in the country will see the return of Basil Rajapaksa to parliament without relinquishing his US citizenship as the only outcome from the 20th Amendment. They will be hard pressed to see any other significant or nationally beneficial outcome. The most significant development so far on the 20th Amendment front is the opposition to it emanating from within the government’s own ranks in parliament and from within its support fortresses outside parliament.
The government has virtually won the Supreme Court battle, even managing to allegedly leak the Court’s ruling to the media before it was presented to parliament. It is still confident of mobilizing a two-thirds majority in parliament. But outside those forums, the government is losing credibility. There are mini revolts in the temple, and a Catholic Action that is different from the 1960s. Severally and together, the two new developments will have interesting implications for the 21st century Rajapaksa yugaya in Sri Lankan politics. It is already into two decades, the common span for dominant family politics. Nascent signs of Rajapaksa fatigue in the body politic are not too inconspicuous.
Daily Disenchantment
There have been daily waves of disenchantment. The first to emerge was at the government parliamentary group meeting on Friday, October 9. After the weekend, on Monday October 12, came the salvo from the Amarapura-Ramanna Samagri Maha Sangha Sabha. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference came out on Tuesday, October 14, calling for the full withdrawal of the 20th Amendment and a new national endeavour towards yet another new constitution. The National Christian Council made its views known on Wednesday, October 15, and on the same day the Women and Media Collective released a detailed statement on the flaws of the 20th Amendment. There may have been others after I finished writing this piece on Thursday.
While all these objections are quite substantial, the statement of the Amarapura-Ramanna Sabha included an excellent summary of the positive accomplishments of the 19th Amendment. The five 19A accomplishments listed by the Sabha are worth more than a few looks: (1) Re-introducing the Constitutional restriction for two terms for a President by Article 31(2), which had been removed under the 18th Amendment; (2) Restricting foreign citizens from becoming Members of Parliament or President by Article 91 (c) XIII; (3) Establishment of a Constitutional Council to oversee appointments to important positions in public service; (4) Establishment of Independent Commissions by Article 41 (b) VI; and (5) Subjecting the appointment of Judges to superior courts by President, to the approval of the Constitutional Council by Article 41 C.
One omission in the list, from the standpoint of separation of powers, is 19A’s check on the President’s power of dissolution over parliament. There is as much innocence as there is ignorance on this matter, at every level and in all branches of the state. The 1972 Constitution gave the President, then only a Head of State, the flexibility to deny a Prime Minister’s request for dissolving parliament within a year after a general election. This provision was included solely based on the experience of the 1960 March and July parliamentary elections, and to avoid a repetition in the future. JR Jayewardene quite mistakenly borrowed the 1972 provision and turned into a presidential power to dissolve parliament any time after one year of a parliamentary election. This power of dissolution is utterly incompatible with the separation of powers which JRJ proudly enshrined in the 1978 Constitution.
The 19th Amendment virtually eliminated the power of dissolution by precluding the President from dissolving parliament for four and half years (after an election) unless requested by a parliamentary resolution passed with two-thirds majority. The 20th Amendment first rescinded the 19A change, and is now offering a compromise under which the President cannot dissolve parliament for two and a half years (instead of four and half) unless requested by a parliamentary resolution passed with a simple majority (not two-thirds majority).
For separation of powers to mean anything the executive should have no power of dissolution over the legislature. That is the system in the US, where there is a ‘non-dissolution’ Congress, that faces elections at prescribed intervals – two years for the House; and a staggered term of six years in the Senate, with elections held every two years for a third of the Senators. Every leap year, the Congress elections coincide with the presidential election which is held every four years.
A practical approach in Sri Lanka would be to hold presidential and parliamentary elections at the same time every five years. The two elected institutions will have to learn to work together between elections regardless of who holds the majority in parliament. If they cannot, one of them will have to go. And it cannot be parliament unless the President’s spoken word becomes law, which would be transmitted orally, and the country is rendered legally illiterate. No pettifogging for fees over written laws, and no fussing over a written constitution.
Pathetic Purposelessness
A common point of contention among all critical government supporters is the 20th Amendment’s removal of the 19A provision barring dual citizens from becoming MPs or Presidents. Vasudeva Nanayakkara momentarily found his long-lost young voice in picking apart the ad hominem Basil clause at the government parliamentary group meeting. The Minister of Health Pavithra Wanniarachchi reportedly contradicted Vasu and spoke out for BR, calling the 19A provision a mala fide insertion targeting the Rajapaksas. She is specially qualified to talk about mala fide constitutional clauses while (nominally) presiding over bona fide staffing maladies in the Ministry of Health and the Medical Research Institute. Per usual, Mahinda Rajapaksa had to step in to partially salvage the matter by offering to remove the dual-citizenship restriction only for MPs but retain it for future presidential candidates.
But that does not seem to be satisfying anybody. The whole absurdity of the original Basil-clause is in the mockery it makes of the supreme sacrifice that Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to make in relinquishing his US citizenship to become president of Sri Lanka. As originally drafted, by the still unknown ghost drafter, the Basil-clause would render any dual citizen to be eligible to be a presidential contender in future. For now, the Basil-clause will primarily serve Basil to become a nationally listed, but unelected, dual citizen MP. Should he decide to have a kick at the presidential can down the road, he may have to figure out a new scheme to score that future goal. He will have no problem finding a creatively pleading lawyer and a creatively receptive bench to make things happen as and when they are needed. There will be little purchase, however, among the people. They are nervous about the virus, anxious over economic uncertainty, and are getting tired of amateurish constitutional games.
It is fair to say that the discrediting of the 19th Amendment is entirely attributable to the joint failure of Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe. It should be equally fair to say that with the two men themselves discredited and out of the picture (albeit Sirisena is still loitering in the shadows of the SLPP), and the government rushing to repeal and replace 19A including many of its positive provisions, informed sections of the public are standing up to defend the threatened provisions.
The government’s pathetic purposelessness behind the 20th Amendment was demonstrated fittingly by the principal Rajapaksa sidekick, GL Pieris, at the government parliamentary group meeting where he apparently argued that 20A is necessary because the IGP and the Attorney General cannot be removed from their posts under 19A. No one took the old law professor seriously; nor did anyone take Pieris’s politically aspiring understudy Ali Sabry seriously. According to multiple media reports, Pieris and Sabry co-anchored a power point presentation to the group to explain the nuts and bolts of the Twentieth Amendment. Those who had misgivings were not impressed. And they asked questions.
President Rajapaksa was also not impressed by those who dared to ask questions. That seems to be the main takeaway from the meeting in the many reports about it. The President reportedly went on the attack as the best of form defense, with or without the portfolio, and especially harsh on Gevindu Kumaratunga, the viyathmaga advocate of a brand, new constitution. “I want to deliver,” was a presidential refrain throughout the meeting, according to multiple reports.
Somehow, the President has got it in his head that the 20th Amendment should also be one of his deliverables. He has also got in his head that a whole new constitution is an even larger deliverable that is expected of him. These burdens are quite unnecessary, even unfortunate. Nobody expects Gotabaya Rajapaksa to be a 21st century Colvin R de Silva, or JR Jayewardene.
Hopefully, it is not too late before President Gotabaya Rajapaksa realizes either on his own counsel, or others’ advice, that people will not hold it against him if he does not deliver either on 20A or a whole new constitution. What the people will not forget, or electorally forgive, would be the President’s failure to protect their health from the coronavirus and protect their households from economic destitution. Anything less will not pass muster with the public. The widespread criticisms against the 20th Amendment are not going to bring down the government. But they are strong warnings of future storms.
Features
Rebuilding Sri Lanka Through Inclusive Governance
In the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah, the government has moved swiftly to establish a Presidential Task Force for Rebuilding Sri Lanka with a core committee to assess requirements, set priorities, allocate resources and raise and disburse funds. Public reaction, however, has focused on the committee’s problematic composition. All eleven committee members are men, and all non-government seats are held by business personalities with no known expertise in complex national development projects, disaster management and addressing the needs of vulnerable populations. They belong to the top echelon of Sri Lanka’s private sector which has been making extraordinary profits. The government has been urged by civil society groups to reconsider the role and purpose of this task force and reconstitute it to be more representative of the country and its multiple needs.
The group of high-powered businessmen initially appointed might greatly help mobilise funds from corporates and international donors, but this group may be ill equipped to determine priorities and oversee disbursement and spending. It would be necessary to separate fundraising, fund oversight and spending prioritisation, given the different capabilities and considerations required for each. International experience in post disaster recovery shows that inclusive and representative structures are more likely to produce outcomes that are equitable, efficient and publicly accepted. Civil society, for instance, brings knowledge rooted in communities, experience in working with vulnerable groups and a capacity to question assumptions that may otherwise go unchallenged.
A positive and important development is that the government has been responsive to these criticisms and has invited at least one civil society representative to join the Rebuilding Sri Lanka committee. This decision deserves to be taken seriously and responded to positively by civil society which needs to call for more representation rather than a single representative. Such a demand would reflect an understanding that rebuilding after a national disaster cannot be undertaken by the state and the business community alone. The inclusion of civil society will strengthen transparency and public confidence, particularly at a moment when trust in institutions remains fragile. While one appointment does not in itself ensure inclusive governance, it opens the door to a more participatory approach that needs to be expanded and institutionalised.
Costly Exclusions
Going down the road of history, the absence of inclusion in government policymaking has cost the country dearly. The exclusion of others, not of one’s own community or political party, started at the very dawn of Independence in 1948. The Father of the Nation, D S Senanayake, led his government to exclude the Malaiyaha Tamil community by depriving them of their citizenship rights. Eight years later, in 1956, the Oxford educated S W R D Bandaranaike effectively excluded the Tamil speaking people from the government by making Sinhala the sole official language. These early decisions normalised exclusion as a tool of governance rather than accommodation and paved the way for seven decades of political conflict and three decades of internal war.
Exclusion has also taken place virulently on a political party basis. Both of Sri Lanka’s post Independence constitutions were decided on by the government alone. The opposition political parties voted against the new constitutions of 1972 and 1977 because they had been excluded from participating in their design. The proposals they had made were not accepted. The basic law of the country was never forged by consensus. This legacy continues to shape adversarial politics and institutional fragility. The exclusion of other communities and political parties from decision making has led to frequent reversals of government policy. Whether in education or economic regulation or foreign policy, what one government has done the successor government has undone.
Sri Lanka’s poor performance in securing the foreign investment necessary for rapid economic growth can be attributed to this factor in the main. Policy instability is not simply an economic problem but a political one rooted in narrow ownership of power. In 2022, when the people went on to the streets to protest against the government and caused it to fall, they demanded system change in which their primary focus was corruption, which had reached very high levels both literally and figuratively. The focus on corruption, as being done by the government at present, has two beneficial impacts for the government. The first is that it ensures that a minimum of resources will be wasted so that the maximum may be used for the people’s welfare.
Second Benefit
The second benefit is that by focusing on the crime of corruption, the government can disable many leaders in the opposition. The more opposition leaders who are behind bars on charges of corruption, the less competition the government faces. Yet these gains do not substitute for the deeper requirement of inclusive governance. The present government seems to have identified corruption as the problem it will emphasise. However, reducing or eliminating corruption by itself is not going to lead to rapid economic development. Corruption is not the sole reason for the absence of economic growth. The most important factor in rapid economic growth is to have government policies that are not reversed every time a new government comes to power.
For Sri Lanka to make the transition to self-sustaining and rapid economic development, it is necessary that the economic policies followed today are not reversed tomorrow. The best way to ensure continuity of policy is to be inclusive in governance. Instead of excluding those in the opposition, the mainstream opposition in particular needs to be included. In terms of system change, the government has scored high with regard to corruption. There is a general feeling that corruption in the country is much reduced compared to the past. However, with regard to inclusion the government needs to demonstrate more commitment. This was evident in the initial choice of cabinet ministers, who were nearly all men from the majority ethnic community. Important committees it formed, including the Presidential Task Force for a Clean Sri Lanka and the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force, also failed at first to reflect the diversity of the country.
In a multi ethnic and multi religious society like Sri Lanka, inclusivity is not merely symbolic. It is essential for addressing diverse perspectives and fostering mutual understanding. It is important to have members of the Tamil, Muslim and other minority communities, and women who are 52 percent of the population, appointed to important decision making bodies, especially those tasked with national recovery. Without such representation, the risk is that the very communities most affected by the crisis will remain unheard, and old grievances will be reproduced in new forms. The invitation extended to civil society to participate in the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force is an important beginning. Whether it becomes a turning point will depend on whether the government chooses to make inclusion a principle of governance rather than treat it as a show of concession made under pressure.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Reservoir operation and flooding
Former Director General of Irrigation, G.T. Dharmasena, in an article, titled “Revival of Innovative systems for reservoir operation and flood forecasting” in The Island of 17 December, 2025, starts out by stating:
“Most reservoirs in Sri Lanka are agriculture and hydropower dominated. Reservoir operators are often unwilling to acknowledge the flood detention capability of major reservoirs during the onset of monsoons. Deviating from the traditional priority for food production and hydropower development, it is time to reorient the operational approach of major reservoirs operators under extreme events, where flood control becomes a vital function. While admitting that total elimination of flood impacts is not technically feasible, the impacts can be reduced by efficient operation of reservoirs and effective early warning systems”.
Addressing the question often raised by the public as to “Why is flooding more prominent downstream of reservoirs compared to the period before they were built,” Mr. Dharmasena cites the following instances: “For instance, why do (sic) Magama in Tissamaharama face floods threats after the construction of the massive Kirindi Oya reservoir? Similarly, why does Ambalantota flood after the construction of Udawalawe Reservoir? Furthermore, why is Molkawa, in the Kalutara District area, getting flooded so often after the construction of Kukule reservoir”?
“These situations exist in several other river basins, too. Engineers must, therefore, be mindful of the need to strictly control the operation of the reservoir gates by their field staff. (Since) “The actual field situation can sometimes deviate significantly from the theoretical technology… it is necessary to examine whether gate operators are strictly adhering to the operational guidelines, as gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”.
COMMENT
For Mr. Dharmasena to bring to the attention of the public that “gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”, is being disingenuous, after accepting flooding as a way of life for ALL major reservoirs for decades and not doing much about it. As far as the public is concerned, their expectation is that the Institution responsible for Reservoir Management should, not only develop the necessary guidelines to address flooding but also ensure that they are strictly administered by those responsible, without leaving it to the arbitrary discretion of field staff. This exercise should be reviewed annually after each monsoon, if lives are to be saved and livelihoods are to be sustained.
IMPACT of GATE OPERATION on FLOODING
According to Mr. Dhamasena, “Major reservoir spillways are designed for very high return periods… If the spillway gates are opened fully when reservoir is at full capacity, this can produce an artificial flood of a very large magnitude… Therefore, reservoir operators must be mindful in this regard to avoid any artificial flood creation” (Ibid). Continuing, he states: “In reality reservoir spillways are often designed for the sole safety of the reservoir structure, often compromising the safety of the downstream population. This design concept was promoted by foreign agencies in recent times to safeguard their investment for dams. Consequently, the discharge capacities of these spill gates significantly exceed the natural carrying capacity of river(s) downstream” (Ibid).
COMMENT
The design concept where priority is given to the “sole safety of the structure” that causes the discharge capacity of spill gates to “significantly exceed” the carrying capacity of the river is not limited to foreign agencies. Such concepts are also adopted by local designers as well, judging from the fact that flooding is accepted as an inevitable feature of reservoirs. Since design concepts in their current form lack concern for serious destructive consequences downstream and, therefore, unacceptable, it is imperative that the Government mandates that current design criteria are revisited as a critical part of the restoration programme.
CONNECTIVITY BETWEEN GATE OPENINGS and SAFETY MEASURES
It is only after the devastation of historic proportions left behind by Cyclone Ditwah that the Public is aware that major reservoirs are designed with spill gate openings to protect the safety of the structure without factoring in the consequences downstream, such as the safety of the population is an unacceptable proposition. The Institution or Institutions associated with the design have a responsibility not only to inform but also work together with Institutions such as Disaster Management and any others responsible for the consequences downstream, so that they could prepare for what is to follow.
Without working in isolation and without limiting it only to, informing related Institutions, the need is for Institutions that design reservoirs to work as a team with Forecasting and Disaster Management and develop operational frameworks that should be institutionalised and approved by the Cabinet of Ministers. The need is to recognize that without connectivity between spill gate openings and safety measures downstream, catastrophes downstream are bound to recur.
Therefore, the mandate for dam designers and those responsible for disaster management and forecasting should be for them to jointly establish guidelines relating to what safety measures are to be adopted for varying degrees of spill gate openings. For instance, the carrying capacity of the river should relate with a specific openinig of the spill gate. Another specific opening is required when the population should be compelled to move to high ground. The process should continue until the spill gate opening is such that it warrants the population to be evacuated. This relationship could also be established by relating the spill gate openings to the width of the river downstream.
The measures recommended above should be backed up by the judicious use of the land within the flood plain of reservoirs for “DRY DAMS” with sufficient capacity to intercept part of the spill gate discharge from which excess water could be released within the carrying capacity of the river. By relating the capacity of the DRY DAM to the spill gate opening, a degree of safety could be established. However, since the practice of demarcating flood plains is not taken seriously by the Institution concerned, the Government should introduce a Bill that such demarcations are made mandatory as part of State Land in the design and operation of reservoirs. Adopting such a practice would not only contribute significantly to control flooding, but also save lives by not permitting settlement but permitting agricultural activities only within these zones. Furthermore, the creation of an intermediate zone to contain excess flood waters would not tax the safety measures to the extent it would in the absence of such a safety net.
CONCLUSION
Perhaps, the towns of Kotmale and Gampola suffered severe flooding and loss of life because the opening of spill gates to release the unprecedented volumes of water from Cyclone Ditwah, was warranted by the need to ensure the safety of Kotmale and Upper Kotmale Dams.
This and other similar disasters bring into focus the connectivity that exists between forecasting, operation of spill gates, flooding and disaster management. Therefore, it is imperative that the government introduce the much-needed legislative and executive measures to ensure that the agencies associated with these disciplines develop a common operational framework to mitigate flooding and its destructive consequences. A critical feature of such a framework should be the demarcation of the flood plain, and decree that land within the flood plain is a zone set aside for DRY DAMS, planted with trees and free of human settlements, other than for agricultural purposes. In addition, the mandate of such a framework should establish for each river basin the relationship between the degree to which spill gates are opened with levels of flooding and appropriate safety measures.
The government should insist that associated Agencies identify and conduct a pilot project to ascertain the efficacy of the recommendations cited above and if need be, modify it accordingly, so that downstream physical features that are unique to each river basin are taken into account and made an integral feature of reservoir design. Even if such restrictions downstream limit the capacities to store spill gate discharges, it has to be appreciated that providing such facilities within the flood plain to any degree would mitigate the destructive consequences of the flooding.
By Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Listening to the Language of Shells
The ocean rarely raises its voice. Instead, it leaves behind signs — subtle, intricate and enduring — for those willing to observe closely. Along Sri Lanka’s shores, these signs often appear in the form of seashells: spiralled, ridged, polished by waves, carrying within them the quiet history of marine life. For Marine Naturalist Dr. Malik Fernando, these shells are not souvenirs of the sea but storytellers, bearing witness to ecological change, resilience and loss.
“Seashells are among the most eloquent narrators of the ocean’s condition,” Dr. Fernando told The Island. “They are biological archives. If you know how to read them, they reveal the story of our seas, past and present.”
A long-standing marine conservationist and a member of the Marine Subcommittee of the Wildlife & Nature Protection Society (WNPS), Dr. Fernando has dedicated much of his life to understanding and protecting Sri Lanka’s marine ecosystems. While charismatic megafauna often dominate conservation discourse, he has consistently drawn attention to less celebrated but equally vital marine organisms — particularly molluscs, whose shells are integral to coastal and reef ecosystems.
“Shells are often admired for their beauty, but rarely for their function,” he said. “They are homes, shields and structural components of marine habitats. When shell-bearing organisms decline, it destabilises entire food webs.”
Sri Lanka’s geographical identity as an island nation, Dr. Fernando says, is paradoxically underrepresented in national conservation priorities. “We speak passionately about forests and wildlife on land, but our relationship with the ocean remains largely extractive,” he noted. “We fish, mine sand, build along the coast and pollute, yet fail to pause and ask how much the sea can endure.”
Through his work with the WNPS Marine Subcommittee, Dr. Fernando has been at the forefront of advocating for science-led marine policy and integrated coastal management. He stressed that fragmented governance and weak enforcement continue to undermine marine protection efforts. “The ocean does not recognise administrative boundaries,” he said. “But unfortunately, our policies often do.”
He believes that one of the greatest challenges facing marine conservation in Sri Lanka is invisibility. “What happens underwater is out of sight, and therefore out of mind,” he said. “Coral bleaching, mollusc depletion, habitat destruction — these crises unfold silently. By the time the impacts reach the shore, it is often too late.”
Seashells, in this context, become messengers. Changes in shell thickness, size and abundance, Dr. Fernando explained, can signal shifts in ocean chemistry, rising temperatures and increasing acidity — all linked to climate change. “Ocean acidification weakens shells,” he said. “It is a chemical reality with biological consequences. When shells grow thinner, organisms become more vulnerable, and ecosystems less stable.”
Climate change, he warned, is no longer a distant threat but an active force reshaping Sri Lanka’s marine environment. “We are already witnessing altered breeding cycles, migration patterns and species distribution,” he said. “Marine life is responding rapidly. The question is whether humans will respond wisely.”
Despite the gravity of these challenges, Dr. Fernando remains an advocate of hope rooted in knowledge. He believes public awareness and education are essential to reversing marine degradation. “You cannot expect people to protect what they do not understand,” he said. “Marine literacy must begin early — in schools, communities and through public storytelling.”
It is this belief that has driven his involvement in initiatives that use visual narratives to communicate marine science to broader audiences. According to Dr. Fernando, imagery, art and heritage-based storytelling can evoke emotional connections that data alone cannot. “A well-composed image of a shell can inspire curiosity,” he said. “Curiosity leads to respect, and respect to protection.”
Shells, he added, also hold cultural and historical significance in Sri Lanka, having been used for ornamentation, ritual objects and trade for centuries. “They connect nature and culture,” he said. “By celebrating shells, we are also honouring coastal communities whose lives have long been intertwined with the sea.”
However, Dr. Fernando cautioned against romanticising the ocean without acknowledging responsibility. “Celebration must go hand in hand with conservation,” he said. “Otherwise, we risk turning heritage into exploitation.”
He was particularly critical of unregulated shell collection and commercialisation. “What seems harmless — picking up shells — can have cumulative impacts,” he said. “When multiplied across thousands of visitors, it becomes extraction.”
As Sri Lanka continues to promote coastal tourism, Dr. Fernando emphasised the need for sustainability frameworks that prioritise ecosystem health. “Tourism must not come at the cost of the very environments it depends on,” he said. “Marine conservation is not anti-development; it is pro-future.”

Dr. Malik Fernando
Reflecting on his decades-long engagement with the sea, Dr. Fernando described marine conservation as both a scientific pursuit and a moral obligation. “The ocean has given us food, livelihoods, climate regulation and beauty,” he said. “Protecting it is not an act of charity; it is an act of responsibility.”
He called for stronger collaboration between scientists, policymakers, civil society and the private sector. “No single entity can safeguard the ocean alone,” he said. “Conservation requires collective stewardship.”
Yet, amid concern, Dr. Fernando expressed cautious optimism. “Sri Lanka still has immense marine wealth,” he said. “Our reefs, seagrass beds and coastal waters are resilient, if given a chance.”
Standing at the edge of the sea, shells scattered along the sand, one is reminded that the ocean does not shout its warnings. It leaves behind clues — delicate, enduring, easily overlooked. For Dr. Malik Fernando, those clues demand attention.
“The sea is constantly communicating,” he said. “In shells, in currents, in changing patterns of life. The real question is whether we, as a society, are finally prepared to listen — and to act before silence replaces the story.”
By Ifham Nizam
-
News5 days agoBritish MP calls on Foreign Secretary to expand sanction package against ‘Sri Lankan war criminals’
-
Sports5 days agoChief selector’s remarks disappointing says Mickey Arthur
-
News4 days agoStreet vendors banned from Kandy City
-
News6 days agoSri Lanka’s coastline faces unfolding catastrophe: Expert
-
Opinion5 days agoDisasters do not destroy nations; the refusal to change does
-
News4 days agoLankan aircrew fly daring UN Medevac in hostile conditions in Africa
-
Sports6 days agoLife after the armband for Asalanka
-
Midweek Review6 days agoYear ends with the NPP govt. on the back foot
