Opinion
New law better than existing one, but there’s long way to go
Battle against corruption:
(Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa’s speech on the Anti-Corruption Bill)
Mr. Speaker, I believe that today is a day of positive change in our country after a struggle. Today, we are taking a significant step forward and this is an important day to initiate action to eliminate corruption, fraud and theft, which have become a curse to this country, from society, government and non-governmental bodies.
This is much better than the situation prevailed so far. However, there are many serious questions about whether this forward journey is sufficient. I would like to say at the outset that the Hon. Ranjith Madduma Bandara, the general secretary of our party, introduced an anti-corruption bill a few years ago. That bill is stronger than the bill under consideration today. But, Hon. Minister of Justice, the sad fact is that you did not gazette it. However, a Bill promoted by Kaputa to call back the members of the dissolved local government bodies and give them power has been gazetted! The bill presented by the Samagi Jana Balawega was relegated to the dustbin.
Mr. Speaker, within a few days from 26.06.2023, when the private bill of recalling the local government members was gazetted, it was read for the first time on 07.05.2023. The government has so much interest in recalling the members of the local government bodies that were dissolved without an election. A shameless act. I would like to make this point in particular. The new bill that you are bringing is better than the current situation. I look at the bill optimistically. But have we gone far enough? The country is bankrupt; the resources of the country have been destroyed; resources of the local, common people have been stolen; those resources have been looted. Hon. Speaker, they have looted the country. The family has looted the country. One family has come together and caused a massive destruction in this country. At a time when theft, fraud, corruption and robbery have been brought to the top of the national agenda, we would like to say that there should be a positive change in this system.
Mr. Speaker, this bill should have been brought as soon as the incumbent government came to power. But why are they presenting this bill today? This is done to fulfill a condition of the IMF. They have implemented this programme only as one item in the ‘to do list’ of the IMF in granting its Extended Fund Facility so that the government is supposed to pass this bill and put a tick in the box against that item in the said ‘to do list’.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to make it very clear at this instant that the Supreme Court has stressed the need to introduce a number of amendments, nearly 29, to this bill. Apart from that, we have submitted more than 53 amendments. When we submitted the amendments in the Ministerial Consultative Committee from our side, the government also submitted a number of other amendments. About 88 amendments have been submitted.
75% of the amendments we proposed have been accepted. But serious concerns have been spelt out in the remaining list of 25% that has been rejected. What are the rejected proposals Hon. Minister? We suggested that this law should be implemented with retrospective effect. In particular, we have suggested that the United Nations Convention against Corruption should be implemented from the date Sri Lanka ratified it. The government has rejected those amendments. We have proposed to implement the amendment called Recovery of Stolen Assets. The government has rejected that amendment too. Similarly, we have submitted amendments to make a clear, positive and lawful change in the process related to withdrawal of indictments. But the government has refused that too.
In particular, I would like to ask whether you are going to enact this bill only because the IMF asks us to do so and, therefore, you all have to put a tick in the box against that item in the ‘to do list’ of the IMF. This positive change should happen only based on an honest political will. We have a serious question as to whether this Act is being implemented based on the rational idea that a more transparent, good, pure and honest governance should be established through this transformation.
At this time, we would like to make it very clear that we hope to implement a number of more progressive and positive measures to prevent corruption in a future SJB government, and the SJB itself. We will certainly introduce legal reforms to impose severe punishments to those involved in fraud and corruption. Also, we declare at this instant that we will take the responsibility of implementing the legal system to recover the resources lost to the country through illegal acquisitions.

Sajith Premadasa
Mr. Speaker, the President of this country said the other day that all should work for the country on the basis of national interest, putting aside politics and narrow political differences.
Today, we are talking about introducing a new anti-corruption bill. However, one among these 225 MPs has smuggled gold, smartphones worth, I think, about 78 million rupees. But only a penalty of 10 percent or 7.5 million rupees has been imposed for that fraudulent act. But, when a Frenchman smuggled gold worth 80 million rupees into our country, he was fined 70 million rupees. It is in such a country that we are bringing new laws to eliminate theft. Mr. Speaker, the 22 million people of this country are laughing at this.
I remember that at the Party Leaders’ meeting you chaired, it was mentioned that everyone should come together and decide that the MP should be removed regardless of his party affiliations. You only said that, without ever putting it into practice. The reason is that the vote of that member is also necessary for the existence of this government. It is in such a situation that we are talking about an anti-corruption bill today.
The President invites us to join hands with him for the national interest. I would like to ask whether we are supposed to join hands to catch the thieves or to save them. Are we joining together to keep the people alive, or to destroy people’s lives? Are we going to team up to catch Pandora Paper thieves or to save them? Are we to catch or save sugar tax swindlers, substandard gas scammers, garlic swindlers, coconut oil tricksters? I would especially like to ask whether you are inviting us to capture or save those who killed Lasantha Wickramatunga. Are you asking us to unite to arrest and save those who launched the violence against Journalists of this country, including Upali Tennakon?
Mr. Speaker, when I was considering this proposal, I was able to read something revealed by WikiLeaks. At that time, the American ambassador in this country, Mr. Robert O. Blake sends the following message to the Foreign Ministry of his country, the USA. Mr. Yashushi Akashi had stated at that time as follows. It says, ‘in response to a private exhortation by the then Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe for Japan to suspend its economic assistance, Akashi told Wickremesinghe, and later reiterated publicly that the Sri Lankan people should not be punished “for acts of commission and omission by their leaders.” WikiLeaks reveals that Robert O Blake had sent a statement Mr. Yashushi Akashi made to the heads of the US Foreign Ministry. Now are you asking us to unite for the sake of national interests only to send such messages to other countries asking them not to help our country?
Hon. Speaker, I would like to mention with responsibility that every time we meet international institutions, representatives, political institutions, and financial institutions, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya and the Samagi Jana Sandanaya have asked them always to provide the best possible assistance to the 22 million people of this country, and those arrangements should also be implemented with transparency.
There is only one thing to say. I would also like to mention this point at this time. They say that they will help me to become the President and, meanwhile, to retain the position of Opposition Leader. I know very well how they helped me to become the President in 2019 joining hands with Gotabaya Rajapaksa. I don’t need that help. I think that where we go and where we stop should not be decided by political deals or in a culture of deals. I would like to mention that it should be done through the vote of 22 million people in this country.
Also, I would like to say that I have no need or hope to warm the chair of the opposition leader for 21 years. But I would like to say one thing. While talking about the 75-year history of this country, I would like to clearly state that for the first time as an opposition, we have added value to this country. In the health sector, hospital equipment and medicines worth Rs. 171.9 million have been donated to 56 hospitals.
We have fulfilled our national responsibility and duty for the country, nation and the land. We have donated buses worth Rs. 349.2 million to 72 government schools. Rs. 29 million worth of IT equipment – computers, smart boards, printers – have been donated to 33 schools in our school system.
Also, this fact should be stated at this time. Until today, we have not had any obstacles from the current President in carrying out this mission. While criticising where there is reason to criticise, we should also see the good side of a person where there is good. We remember very well the request the incumbent President made from the Opposition Leader at the time he was the Prime Minister to assist for the good of the country.
Mr. Speaker, we have shown how to help the country. We do not want to burden the country by undertaking Ministerial portfolios. We have implemented the maximum number of projects that we can do by using our strength, backbone, personality, ability, knowledge, local and foreign connections. We have accomplished these activities through the Sakwala Bus Programme, Sakwala Information Technology Programme and Husmak Programme.
I would like to state at this time that we are going where we need to go, not with political deals, but honestly with the blessings of the people. Hon. Speaker, Finally, I make a very kind request to you. After listening to the speeches made in this chamber, we need to think about these programmes further. At this time I will present a 35 second audio clip with a statement from a certain person. Everyone please listen to it.
Hon. Speaker, I will tell you the reason for presenting the audio tape. Early this morning, a group of people made big talks about bankrupting the country. They, in the past, likened Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who was supposed to build this country, to Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Local Lee Kuan Yew has bankrupted and destroyed the country and what are they going to do now? Now they are trying to conceal previous mistakes.
They come early in the morning and relate big stories that everyone should be held accountable for bankrupting the country. I am clearly saying that the rating agencies of Fitch, Moody’s and Standard & Poors downgraded our country because of the 600-700 billion tax concessions granted to the wealthy in this country. According to the information we have gathered, we have been downgraded even today in the credit rating.
You delivered big talks about domestic debt restructuring. The country has been downgraded in credit ratings even today. The bankruptcy of our country started because the government revenue was lowered from 12% to 8% as a percentage of the gross domestic product under the blessings of all on your side. The IMF was kicked out. Not only were they kicked out, you also refused 100 million dollars. Reasons are the so-called patriotism, pride and nationalism. They were chased away then, but today you all raise your hands to what the IMF says. We say we should go to the IMF.
But every agreement with the IMF should be entered into for the well-being and development of the people of this country. I respectfully request our Prime Minister to agree to the proposed amendments and help catch the thieves who have stolen country’s assets.
The United Nations also has a Stolen Assets Recovery Initiative and a Stolen Assets Recovery Programme. Let’s work towards recovering funds and other assets the country has lost due to frauds exposed by Pandora papers, etc. Also, I suggest that we use those resources to create a National Wealth Fund similar to ones in operation in the developing countries of the world.
While making the proposal to move towards a corruption-free country through that National Wealth Fund, in a programme that will protect the present and future generations, I would like to state that we are committed to creating a corruption-free country by using all the strength of Samagi Jana Balawegaya and Samagi Jana Sandanaya. I would like to reiterate that this law is better than the existing one. However, there is still a long way to go. I appeal to the Prime Minister to agree to the relevant amendments before the end of the day in order to go the full length. Thank you.
Opinion
War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II
Broader Strategic Consequences
One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.
Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.
The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.
A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system
The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.
The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.
The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.
Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.
Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.
However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.
Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon
History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.
European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.
by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)
Opinion
University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way
130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key
Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.
Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility
Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.
Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses
The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.
Partnerships That Protect Quality
Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.
Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy
Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.
Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom
Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.
Making the Most of What We Have
Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.
A Call to Action
Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.
“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”
Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna
by Dr. Arosh Bandula
Opinion
Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security
As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.
Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.
In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.
Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.
When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?
The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.
Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.
Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.
In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.
At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.
A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:
· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·
· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·
· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.
The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.
There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.
As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.
Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.
The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.
In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.
Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.
by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)
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