Opinion
New law better than existing one, but there’s long way to go
Battle against corruption:
(Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa’s speech on the Anti-Corruption Bill)
Mr. Speaker, I believe that today is a day of positive change in our country after a struggle. Today, we are taking a significant step forward and this is an important day to initiate action to eliminate corruption, fraud and theft, which have become a curse to this country, from society, government and non-governmental bodies.
This is much better than the situation prevailed so far. However, there are many serious questions about whether this forward journey is sufficient. I would like to say at the outset that the Hon. Ranjith Madduma Bandara, the general secretary of our party, introduced an anti-corruption bill a few years ago. That bill is stronger than the bill under consideration today. But, Hon. Minister of Justice, the sad fact is that you did not gazette it. However, a Bill promoted by Kaputa to call back the members of the dissolved local government bodies and give them power has been gazetted! The bill presented by the Samagi Jana Balawega was relegated to the dustbin.
Mr. Speaker, within a few days from 26.06.2023, when the private bill of recalling the local government members was gazetted, it was read for the first time on 07.05.2023. The government has so much interest in recalling the members of the local government bodies that were dissolved without an election. A shameless act. I would like to make this point in particular. The new bill that you are bringing is better than the current situation. I look at the bill optimistically. But have we gone far enough? The country is bankrupt; the resources of the country have been destroyed; resources of the local, common people have been stolen; those resources have been looted. Hon. Speaker, they have looted the country. The family has looted the country. One family has come together and caused a massive destruction in this country. At a time when theft, fraud, corruption and robbery have been brought to the top of the national agenda, we would like to say that there should be a positive change in this system.
Mr. Speaker, this bill should have been brought as soon as the incumbent government came to power. But why are they presenting this bill today? This is done to fulfill a condition of the IMF. They have implemented this programme only as one item in the ‘to do list’ of the IMF in granting its Extended Fund Facility so that the government is supposed to pass this bill and put a tick in the box against that item in the said ‘to do list’.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to make it very clear at this instant that the Supreme Court has stressed the need to introduce a number of amendments, nearly 29, to this bill. Apart from that, we have submitted more than 53 amendments. When we submitted the amendments in the Ministerial Consultative Committee from our side, the government also submitted a number of other amendments. About 88 amendments have been submitted.
75% of the amendments we proposed have been accepted. But serious concerns have been spelt out in the remaining list of 25% that has been rejected. What are the rejected proposals Hon. Minister? We suggested that this law should be implemented with retrospective effect. In particular, we have suggested that the United Nations Convention against Corruption should be implemented from the date Sri Lanka ratified it. The government has rejected those amendments. We have proposed to implement the amendment called Recovery of Stolen Assets. The government has rejected that amendment too. Similarly, we have submitted amendments to make a clear, positive and lawful change in the process related to withdrawal of indictments. But the government has refused that too.
In particular, I would like to ask whether you are going to enact this bill only because the IMF asks us to do so and, therefore, you all have to put a tick in the box against that item in the ‘to do list’ of the IMF. This positive change should happen only based on an honest political will. We have a serious question as to whether this Act is being implemented based on the rational idea that a more transparent, good, pure and honest governance should be established through this transformation.
At this time, we would like to make it very clear that we hope to implement a number of more progressive and positive measures to prevent corruption in a future SJB government, and the SJB itself. We will certainly introduce legal reforms to impose severe punishments to those involved in fraud and corruption. Also, we declare at this instant that we will take the responsibility of implementing the legal system to recover the resources lost to the country through illegal acquisitions.

Sajith Premadasa
Mr. Speaker, the President of this country said the other day that all should work for the country on the basis of national interest, putting aside politics and narrow political differences.
Today, we are talking about introducing a new anti-corruption bill. However, one among these 225 MPs has smuggled gold, smartphones worth, I think, about 78 million rupees. But only a penalty of 10 percent or 7.5 million rupees has been imposed for that fraudulent act. But, when a Frenchman smuggled gold worth 80 million rupees into our country, he was fined 70 million rupees. It is in such a country that we are bringing new laws to eliminate theft. Mr. Speaker, the 22 million people of this country are laughing at this.
I remember that at the Party Leaders’ meeting you chaired, it was mentioned that everyone should come together and decide that the MP should be removed regardless of his party affiliations. You only said that, without ever putting it into practice. The reason is that the vote of that member is also necessary for the existence of this government. It is in such a situation that we are talking about an anti-corruption bill today.
The President invites us to join hands with him for the national interest. I would like to ask whether we are supposed to join hands to catch the thieves or to save them. Are we joining together to keep the people alive, or to destroy people’s lives? Are we going to team up to catch Pandora Paper thieves or to save them? Are we to catch or save sugar tax swindlers, substandard gas scammers, garlic swindlers, coconut oil tricksters? I would especially like to ask whether you are inviting us to capture or save those who killed Lasantha Wickramatunga. Are you asking us to unite to arrest and save those who launched the violence against Journalists of this country, including Upali Tennakon?
Mr. Speaker, when I was considering this proposal, I was able to read something revealed by WikiLeaks. At that time, the American ambassador in this country, Mr. Robert O. Blake sends the following message to the Foreign Ministry of his country, the USA. Mr. Yashushi Akashi had stated at that time as follows. It says, ‘in response to a private exhortation by the then Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe for Japan to suspend its economic assistance, Akashi told Wickremesinghe, and later reiterated publicly that the Sri Lankan people should not be punished “for acts of commission and omission by their leaders.” WikiLeaks reveals that Robert O Blake had sent a statement Mr. Yashushi Akashi made to the heads of the US Foreign Ministry. Now are you asking us to unite for the sake of national interests only to send such messages to other countries asking them not to help our country?
Hon. Speaker, I would like to mention with responsibility that every time we meet international institutions, representatives, political institutions, and financial institutions, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya and the Samagi Jana Sandanaya have asked them always to provide the best possible assistance to the 22 million people of this country, and those arrangements should also be implemented with transparency.
There is only one thing to say. I would also like to mention this point at this time. They say that they will help me to become the President and, meanwhile, to retain the position of Opposition Leader. I know very well how they helped me to become the President in 2019 joining hands with Gotabaya Rajapaksa. I don’t need that help. I think that where we go and where we stop should not be decided by political deals or in a culture of deals. I would like to mention that it should be done through the vote of 22 million people in this country.
Also, I would like to say that I have no need or hope to warm the chair of the opposition leader for 21 years. But I would like to say one thing. While talking about the 75-year history of this country, I would like to clearly state that for the first time as an opposition, we have added value to this country. In the health sector, hospital equipment and medicines worth Rs. 171.9 million have been donated to 56 hospitals.
We have fulfilled our national responsibility and duty for the country, nation and the land. We have donated buses worth Rs. 349.2 million to 72 government schools. Rs. 29 million worth of IT equipment – computers, smart boards, printers – have been donated to 33 schools in our school system.
Also, this fact should be stated at this time. Until today, we have not had any obstacles from the current President in carrying out this mission. While criticising where there is reason to criticise, we should also see the good side of a person where there is good. We remember very well the request the incumbent President made from the Opposition Leader at the time he was the Prime Minister to assist for the good of the country.
Mr. Speaker, we have shown how to help the country. We do not want to burden the country by undertaking Ministerial portfolios. We have implemented the maximum number of projects that we can do by using our strength, backbone, personality, ability, knowledge, local and foreign connections. We have accomplished these activities through the Sakwala Bus Programme, Sakwala Information Technology Programme and Husmak Programme.
I would like to state at this time that we are going where we need to go, not with political deals, but honestly with the blessings of the people. Hon. Speaker, Finally, I make a very kind request to you. After listening to the speeches made in this chamber, we need to think about these programmes further. At this time I will present a 35 second audio clip with a statement from a certain person. Everyone please listen to it.
Hon. Speaker, I will tell you the reason for presenting the audio tape. Early this morning, a group of people made big talks about bankrupting the country. They, in the past, likened Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who was supposed to build this country, to Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Local Lee Kuan Yew has bankrupted and destroyed the country and what are they going to do now? Now they are trying to conceal previous mistakes.
They come early in the morning and relate big stories that everyone should be held accountable for bankrupting the country. I am clearly saying that the rating agencies of Fitch, Moody’s and Standard & Poors downgraded our country because of the 600-700 billion tax concessions granted to the wealthy in this country. According to the information we have gathered, we have been downgraded even today in the credit rating.
You delivered big talks about domestic debt restructuring. The country has been downgraded in credit ratings even today. The bankruptcy of our country started because the government revenue was lowered from 12% to 8% as a percentage of the gross domestic product under the blessings of all on your side. The IMF was kicked out. Not only were they kicked out, you also refused 100 million dollars. Reasons are the so-called patriotism, pride and nationalism. They were chased away then, but today you all raise your hands to what the IMF says. We say we should go to the IMF.
But every agreement with the IMF should be entered into for the well-being and development of the people of this country. I respectfully request our Prime Minister to agree to the proposed amendments and help catch the thieves who have stolen country’s assets.
The United Nations also has a Stolen Assets Recovery Initiative and a Stolen Assets Recovery Programme. Let’s work towards recovering funds and other assets the country has lost due to frauds exposed by Pandora papers, etc. Also, I suggest that we use those resources to create a National Wealth Fund similar to ones in operation in the developing countries of the world.
While making the proposal to move towards a corruption-free country through that National Wealth Fund, in a programme that will protect the present and future generations, I would like to state that we are committed to creating a corruption-free country by using all the strength of Samagi Jana Balawegaya and Samagi Jana Sandanaya. I would like to reiterate that this law is better than the existing one. However, there is still a long way to go. I appeal to the Prime Minister to agree to the relevant amendments before the end of the day in order to go the full length. Thank you.
Opinion
Thoughts for Unduvap Poya
Unduvap Poya, which falls today, has great historical significance for Sri Lanka, as several important events occurred on that day but before looking into these, as the occasion demands, our first thought should be about impermanence. One of the cornerstones of Buddha’s teachings is impermanence and there is no better time to ponder over it than now, as the unfolding events of the unprecedented natural disaster exemplify it. Who would have imagined, even a few days ago, the scenes of total devastation we are witnessing now; vast swathes of the country under floodwaters due to torrential rain, multitudes of earth slips burying alive entire families with their hard-built properties and closing multiple trunk roads bringing the country to a virtual standstill. The best of human kindness is also amply demonstrated as many risk their own lives to help those in distress.
In the struggle of life, we are attached and accumulate many things, wanted and unwanted, including wealth overlooking the fact that all this could disappear in a flash, as happened to an unfortunate few during this calamitous time. Even the survivors, though they are happy that they survived, are left with anxiety, apprehension, and sorrow, all of which is due to attachment. We are attached to things because we fail to realise the importance of impermanence. If we do, we would be less attached and less affected. Realisation of the impermanent nature of everything is the first step towards ultimate detachment.
It was on a day like this that Arahant Bhikkhuni Sanghamitta arrived in Lanka Deepa bringing with her a sapling of the Sri Maha Bodhi tree under which Prince Siddhartha attained Enlightenment. She was sent by her father Emperor Ashoka, at the request of Arahant Mahinda who had arrived earlier and established Buddhism formally under the royal patronage of King Devanampiyatissa. With the very successful establishment of Bhikkhu Sasana, as there was a strong clamour for the establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana as well, Arahant Mahinda requested his father to send his sister which was agreed to by Emperor Ashoka, though reluctantly as he would be losing two of his children. In fact, both served Lanka Deepa till their death, never returning to the country of their birth. Though Arahant Sanghamitta’s main mission was otherwise, her bringing a sapling of the Bo tree has left an indelible imprint in the annals of our history.
According to chronicles, King Devanampiyatissa planted the Bo sapling in Mahamevnawa Park in Anuradhapura in 288 BCE, which continues to thrive, making it the oldest living human planted tree in the world with a known planting date. It is a treasure that needs to be respected and protected at all costs. However, not so long ago it was nearly destroyed by the idiocy of worshippers who poured milk on the roots. Devotion clouding reality, they overlooked the fact that a tree needs water, not milk!
A monk developed a new practice of Bodhi Puja, which even today attracts droves of devotees and has become a ritual. This would have been the last thing the Buddha wanted! He expressed gratitude by gazing at the tree, which gave him shelter during the most crucial of times, for a week but did not want his followers to go around worshipping similar trees growing all over. Instead of following the path the Buddha laid for us, we seem keen on inventing new rituals to indulge in!
Arahant Sanghamitta achieved her prime objective by establishing the Bhikkhuni Sasana which thrived for nearly 1200 years till it fell into decline with the fall of the Anuradhapura kingdom. Unfortunately, during the Polonnaruwa period that followed the influence of Hinduism over Buddhism increased and some of the Buddhist values like equality of sexes and anti-casteism were lost. Subsequently, even the Bhikkhu Sasana went into decline. Higher ordination for Bhikkhus was re-established in 1753 CE with the visit of Upali Maha Thera from Siam which formed the basis of Siam Maha Nikaya. Upali Maha Thero is also credited with reorganising Kandy Esala Perahera to be the annual Procession of the Temple of Tooth, which was previously centred around the worship of deities, by getting a royal decree: “Henceforth Gods and men are to follow the Buddha”
In 1764 CE, Siyam Nikaya imposed a ‘Govigama and Radala’ exclusivity, disregarding a fundamental tenet of the Buddha, apparently in response to an order from the King! Fortunately, Buddhism was saved from the idiocy of Siyam Nikaya by the formation of Amarapura Nikaya in 1800 CE and Ramanna Nikaya in 1864 CE, higher ordination for both obtained from Burma. None of these Niakya’s showed any interest in the re-establishment of Bhikkhuni Sasana which was left to a band of interested and determined ladies.
My thoughts and admiration, on the day Bhikkhuni Sasana was originally established, go to these pioneers whose determination knew no bounds. They overcame enormous difficulties and obtained higher ordination from South Korea initially. Fortunately, Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero, Maha Nayaka of Rangiri Dambulla Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya started offering higher ordination to Bhikkhunis in 1998 but state recognition became a sore point. When Venerable Welimada Dhammadinna Bhikkhuni was denied official recognition as a Bhikkhuni on her national identity card she filed action, with the support of Ven. Inamaluwe Sri Sumangala Thero. In a landmark majority judgement delivered on 16 June, the Supreme Court ruled that the fundamental rights of Ven. Dhammadinna were breached and also Bhikkhuni Sasana was re-established in Sri Lanka. As this judgement did not receive wide publicity, I wrote a piece titled “Buddhism, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis” (The Island, 10 July 2025) and my wish for this Unduvap Poya is what I stated therein:
“The landmark legal battle won by Bhikkhunis is a victory for common sense more than anything else. I hope it will help Bhikkhuni Sasana flourish in Sri Lanka. The number of devotees inviting Bhikkhunis to religious functions is increasing. May Bhikkhunis receive the recognition they richly deserve.” May there be a rapid return to normalcy from the current tragic situation.”
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Opinion
Royal Over Eighties
The gathering was actually of ‘Over Seventies’ but those of my generation present were mostly of the late eighties.
Even of them I shall mention only those whom I know at least by name. But, first, to those few of my years and older with whom speech was possible.
First among them, in more sense than one, was Nihal Seneviratne, at ninety-one probably the oldest present. There is no truth to the story that his state of crisp well-being is attributable to the consumption of gul-bunis in his school days. It is traceable rather to a life well lived. His practice of regular walks around the house and along the lane on which he lives may have contributed to his erect posture. As also to the total absence of a walking stick, a helper, or any other form of assistance as he walked into the Janaki hotel where this gathering took place.
Referencing the published accounts of his several decades-long service in Parliament as head of its administration, it would be moot to recall that his close friend and fellow lawyer, J E D Gooneratne, teased him in the following terms: “You will be a bloody clerk all your life”. He did join service as Second Assistant to the Clerk to the House and moved up, but the Clerk became the Secretary General. Regardless of such matters of nomenclature, it could be said that Nihal Seneviratne ran the show.
Others present included Dr. Ranjith de Silva, Surgeon, who was our cricket Captain and, to the best of my knowledge, has the distinction of never engaging in private practice.
The range of Dr. K L (Lochana) Gunaratne’s interests and his accomplishments within each are indeed remarkable. I would think that somebody who’d received his initial training at the AA School of Architecture in London would continue to have architecture as the foundation of his likes /dislikes. Such would also provide a road map to other pursuits whether immediately related to that field or not. That is evident in the leadership roles he has played in the National Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Town Planners among others. As I recall he has also addressed issues related to the Panadura Vadaya.
My memories of D L Seneviratne at school were associated with tennis. As happens, D L had launched his gift for writing over three decades ago with a history of tennis in Sri Lanka (1991). That is a game with which my acquaintance is limited to sending a couple of serves past his ear (not ‘tossing the ball across’ as he asked me to) while Jothilingam, long much missed, waited for his team mates to come for practices. It is a game at which my father spent much time both at the Railway sports club and at our home-town club. (By some kind of chance, I recovered just a week ago the ‘Fred de Saram Challenge Cup’ which, on his winning the Singles for the third time, Koo de Saram came over to the Kandana Club to hand over to him for keeps. They played an exhibition match which father won). D L would know whether or not, as I have heard, in an exhibition match in Colombo, Koo defeated Frank Sedgman, who was on his triumphant return home to Oz after he had won the Wimbledon tournament in London.
I had no idea that D L has written any books till my son brought home the one on the early history of Royal under Marsh and Boake, (both long-bearded young men in their twenties).
It includes a rich assortment of photographs of great value to those who are interested in the history of the Anglican segment of Christian missionary activity here in the context of its contribution to secondary school education. Among them is one of the school as it appeared on moving to Thurstan road from Mutwal. It has been extracted from the History of Royal, 1931, done by students (among whom a relative, Palitha Weeraman, had played a significant role).
As D L shows, (in contra-distinction to the Catholic schools) the CMS had engaged in a largely secular practice. Royal remained so through our time – when one could walk into the examination room and answer questions framed to test one’s knowledge of Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam; a knowledge derived mostly from the lectures delivered by an Old Boy at general assembly on Friday plus readings from the Dhammapada, the Bhagavad Gita, the St. John’s version of the Bible or the Koran recited by a student at senior assembly on Tuesday / Thursday.
D L’s history of Royal College had followed in 2006.
His writing is so rich in detail, so precise in formulation, that I would consider this brief note a simple prompt towards a publisher bringing out new editions at different levels of cost.
It was also a pleasure to meet Senaka Amarasinghe, as yet flaunting his Emperor profile, and among the principal organisers of this event.
The encounter with I S de Silva, distinguished attorney, who was on Galle road close to Janaki lane, where I lived then was indeed welcome. As was that with Upali Mendis, who carried out cataract surgery on my mother oh so long ago when he was head of the Eye Hospital. His older brother, L P, was probably the most gifted student in chemistry in our time.
Most serendipitous perhaps was meeting a son of one of our most popular teachers from the 1950s, – Connor Rajaratnam. His cons were a caution.
by Gamini Seneviratne
Opinion
“Regulatory Impact Assessment – Not a bureaucratic formality but essentially an advocacy tool for smarter governance”: A response
Having meticulously read and re-read the above article published in the opinion page of The Island on the 27 Nov, I hasten to make a critical review on the far-reaching proposal made by the co-authors, namely Professor Theekshana Suraweera, Chairman of the Sri Lanka Standards Institution and Dr. Prabath.C.Abeysiriwardana, Director of Ministry of Science and Technology
The aforesaid article provides a timely and compelling critique of Sri Lanka’s long-standing gaps in evidence-based policymaking and argues persuasively for the institutional adoption of Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA). In a context where policy missteps have led to severe economic and social consequences, the article functions as an essential wake-up call—highlighting RIA not as a bureaucratic formality but as a foundational tool for smarter governance.
One of the article’s strongest contributions is its clear explanation of how regulatory processes currently function in Sri Lanka: legislation is drafted with narrow legal scrutiny focused mainly on constitutional compliance, with little or no structured assessment of economic, social, cultural, or environmental impacts. The author strengthens this argument with well-chosen examples—the sudden ban on chemical fertilizer imports and the consequences of the 1956 Official Language Act—demonstrating how untested regulation can have far-reaching negative outcomes. These cases effectively illustrate the dangers of ad hoc policymaking and underscore the need for a formal review mechanism.
The article also succeeds in demystifying RIA by outlining its core steps—problem definition, option analysis, impact assessment, stakeholder consultation, and post-implementation review. This breakdown makes it clear that RIA is not merely a Western ideal but a practical, structured, and replicable process that could greatly improve policymaking in Sri Lanka. The references to international best practices (such as the role of OIRA in the United States) lend credibility and global context, showing that RIA is not experimental but an established standard in advanced governance systems.
However, the article could have further strengthened its critique by addressing the political economy of reform: the structural incentives, institutional resistance, and political culture that have historically obstructed such tools in Sri Lanka. While the challenges of data availability, quantification, and political pressure are briefly mentioned, a deeper analysis of why evidence-based policymaking has not taken root—and how to overcome these systemic barriers—would have offered greater practical value.
Another potential enhancement would be the inclusion of local micro-level examples where smaller-scale regulations backfired due to insufficient appraisal. This would help illustrate that the problem is not limited to headline-making policy failures but affects governance at every level.
Despite these minor limitations, the article is highly effective as an advocacy piece. It makes a strong case that RIA could transform Sri Lanka’s regulatory landscape by institutionalizing foresight, transparency, and accountability. Its emphasis on aligning RIA with ongoing national initiatives—particularly the strengthening of the National Quality Infrastructure—demonstrates both pragmatism and strategic vision.
At a time, when Chairmen of statutory bodies appointed by the NPP government play a passive voice, the candid opinion expressed by the CEO of SLSI on the necessity of a Regulatory Impact Assessment is an important and insightful contribution. It highlights a critical missing link in Sri Lanka’s policy environment and provides a clear call to action. If widely circulated and taken seriously by policymakers, academics, and civil society, it could indeed become the eye-opener needed to push Sri Lanka toward more rational, responsible, and future-ready governance.
J. A. A. S. Ranasinghe,
Productivity Specialty and Management Consultant
(rathula49@gmail.com)
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