Opinion
Need to consult, compromise and reach optimal common ground on critical issues of national interest
Delivering the keynote address at the 54th Memorial of the late Minister Philip Gunawardena, former Foreign Secretary HMGS Palihakkara, called for a culture of consensus on key public policy issues in the country as the way forward from recovery to sustainable growth in a world of deepening violence and diminishing cooperation.
Excerpts.
Today, we gather to honour and remember the late Hon. Philip Gunawardena—virtually a household name to my generation, fondly known to the ordinary folks just as Philip ‘Mathithuma’- a leader whose life was woven into the very fabric of Sri Lanka’s struggle for justice, dignity, and independence.
Philip Gunawardena was not merely a political leader; he was a visionary, a reformer, and a fearless voice for the common people. While he was an iconic figure and a staunch socialist, he remained a pragmatic modernist as well. This, obviously, is quite a complex and difficult political binary to maintain. As history has it, he did acquit himself doing it. At a time when speaking truth to power demanded immense courage, he stood unwavering. He believed deeply that a nation’s strength lies not in privilege, but in equality—in uplifting farmers, workers, and the forgotten voices of society. The famous Paddy Land Act and the concept of Apex Cooperative Bank which later transformed into the present-day Peoples Bank and many other public policy and institutional creations are emblematic of his deep knowledge of the economic challenges and his holistic approach to development.
On the other hand, others saw Philip demonstrating hard-nosed pragmatism, not a naïve ideological bent.
Dr. Sarath Amunugama, a friend and a public servant turned politician said of Philip:
“On Socialism itself Philip had a different perspective – You talk of Socialism. You cannot socialise poverty. You can only socialise plenty. And if people cannot work, if they cannot produce, you cannot have Socialism.” *
The volume being launched today contains Philip Gunawardena’s speeches and initiatives, documents in great detail the drive and substance he deployed to deliver social justice and economic outcomes to those working classes.
He was aptly called the “Father of Socialism” in Sri Lanka, even lionised as the Boralugoda Sinhaya. But titles and appellations alone cannot capture the spirit of the man. People were captivated not only by the inimitable force of his articulation and commitment but perhaps equally or even more, by substance and cogency of his argument.
He was a bridge between the ideal and the actionable.
In my official work overlap with his capacity as the Minister of Industries in the 1960s, I personally experienced Minister Philip’s ability to refurbish concepts in relation to ground realities. His work in land reform and his commitment to social justice were not abstract ideas—they were real, tangible efforts to improve lives and reshape the nation’s future. The analysis Philip presented and prescriptions he passionately advocated, in both legislative and policy realms, are touched upon in good detail here in this book being launched today. I must say it is a trove for a researcher.
Beyond his public life, Philip Gunawardena was a man of conviction and principle. He carried with him a profound sense of responsibility to his people, and he never wavered from his beliefs, even when it came at great personal cost. That is a legacy not easily measured, but deeply felt.
Today, as we reflect on his life, we are reminded that true leadership is not about power, but about purpose. It is about working tirelessly for the greater good of the Nation State and its people while standing firm in one’s values
Philip’s words -more importantly his deed- brought into sharp relief a truism prevalent in divisive politics
esp. here in Sri Lanka. It is that while blinkered politicians build opinions, only true leaders can build consensus. The former does it for parochial transactional gain the latter does it for strategic and sustainable national gain.
Philip of course was emblematic of the latter.
The decision by Philip to join the ‘National Govt’ of Dudley Senanayake was a much debated but little understood affair. – Optics were basically reduced to a celebrated Socialist icon joining a gentle Capitalist to form a
National Government. It was inevitably a controversial move. Equally, it was also a bold manifestation of that consensus building spirit. More so because his decision was predicated on his unwavering support for a fundamental human right- the freedom of expression, and opposition to nationalisation of the free press- a fundamental tenet of the democratic-socialist binary. Leave aside the unfinished or open-ended debate about democracy or socialism. Philip was signalling that consensual statecraft is the way forward for the nation’s progress and prosperity of its people. The motto was that what is best ideologically should not stand in the way of what is consensually good for the nation and the common man. When Philip famously said that I will work with the ‘Devil or even his grandmother if that brings about common good’, he in a way articulated the inherent quality of consensus on key public policy matters like the press freedom and other foundational things.
That certainly is the interpretation in my Book!
Consensus is not about making any or all contending parties absolutely happy about the issue at hand- it is about dispensing managed unhappiness among all parties in order to advance a common cause benefitting the people at large. It is the ‘equitable distribution of reasonable unhappiness’ among all parties concerned. When that occurs, consensus happens. It is the most potent algorithm to produce win-win solutions in human relations within or among states.
This is a great lesson in statecraft and public policy making for present day politicians in our country who seem to quarrel like street vendors on a rainy day, on all issues. They have thus reduced the grave responsibility of democratic governance to a trivial zero-sum formula of the Government proposing and the Opposition opposing most of the time- if not all the time! They are either unable or unwilling to explore and reach a consensual middle ground to advance the national interests on a host of public policy issues ranging from economic reforms, security and foreign policies, the rule of law, accountability, reconciliation and so on.
All issues are thus a game for the govt toppling game.
This is a lesson for some of the current crop of politicians in this country who easily conflate polemics with substance and verbiage with eloquence.
All this ignores the national interest of building consensus as opposed to building polarisation for vote winning.
May I express the hope that all of us, especially those involved in that dreadful art form called politics in this country, revisit the thought processes of Philip Gunawardena documented in this volume to understand that compromise and consensus is possible in this country- especially on key public policy issues that profoundly touch our fundamental national interests.
Speaking of a culture of consensus the likes of Philip Gunawardena advocated in eloquent words and courageous deeds more than half a century ago, let me conclude with a brief comment on their relevance and resonance with the inventory of sri Lanka’s foreign policy and diplomacy challenges.
We all know that Sri Lanka’s overriding national priority in recent times was and remains the process of recovery from a crippling economic crisis and dovetailing it into a sustainable growth pathway. For this we must carefully prepare ourselves to prudently navigate the critical gauntlet of 2028 when we have to resume debt repayment- a challenge looming larger and larger every single day. Especially so in a world convulsed by violent conflict and economic and financial disruption like what is unfolding in West Asia right now. The violent spiral that has peaked there now will impact our foreign relations and recovery effort in most profound ways. If one is serious about making our recovery and growth stable and sustainable in this volatility, it must therefore be firmly anchored in a domestic political consensus on economic reform and foreign policy framework that is programmed towards three things:
– first, liberate the indispensable economic reforms from the destructive politics of government toppling,
– second, insulate us from the adversities of the ongoing geopolitical violence,
-third, guide us towards securing opportunities for our economic interests in this evolving geopolitical vortex.
Of course, the ‘prime-mover’ responsibility of this common ground building process lies with the government which has an unprecedented and strong voter’ mandate to do it. It must therefore stop acting as if it is still in an election campaign mode and must take cognizance of the fact that they are governing now. The Opposition must understand too that their job is not to oppose everything that the govt proposes and that they are the ‘shadow govt.,’ in the best traditions of parliamentary democracy. They must therefore stop acting like a shadow of the Opposition bent on Govt toppling game 24/7 but behave like a true ‘shadow government’ promoting consensus until the voters in due course do the regime change, when necessary.
Both sides should therefore consult, compromise and reach optimal common ground on critical issues of vital national interest. If our politicians don’t embrace a culture of consensus on such public policy issues of foundational importance, yet another crisis will embrace us in due course, perhaps sooner than they expect. Templates of statesmanship provided by the likes of Philip to reach consensual grounds through informed and timely compromises shedding ideological or parochial interests, might come in handy here.
In memoriam of PHILIP GUNAWARDENA, 26 March 2026. National Library Auditorium
Opinion
Future of world religions
I refer to Dr Upul Wijayawardena’s recent letter on science and religion. I agree with him on the fate of religions in the modern world and would like to add the following observations on the evolution of religion and the advent of AI.
Religious philosophy evolved only in ancient India while it remained static with monotheism in other parts of the world. When the polytheistic Vedic religion arrived with Aryan migration to India, they found the ancient version of Jainism, which may have been practised over four thousand years as evidenced by some figures in meditation posture found in Mohenjo daro. By that time the indigenous religion had already abandoned the creator god or gods but still believed the mind as a permanent entity athman that survived death and continued in a cycle of reincarnation (samsara) due to results of any harmful action (kamma) even unintended performed in life collected in the athman. Salvation to a happy all-knowing permanent state named Kevala could be attained by the athman with extreme degree of self-mortification to destroy the past kamma attached to it, refraining from new kamma and developing the mind by meditation. As observed in progression from Veda to Upanishads the Aryan religion, evolution progressed with adoption of kamma, the cyclic existence of samsara, meditation and ethical behaviour in addition to prayer and sacrifice they practised for moksha.
The Buddha appeared in this philosophical atmosphere and denied both creator god and a permanent entity of athman. His psychology describes human behaviour based on the mind as a stream of changing consciousness. However, he accepted the cyclic existence of samsara; he said he verified the survival of consciousness at death with help of knowledge he gained from meditation. He prescribed a middle path to attain nirvana, a permanent state of happiness, avoiding self-mortification and redefined kamma to intentional activity only, both ethical and unethical resulting in bad and good results. He disagreed with the idea of kamma as the cause of rebirth. Following the Buddha, Vedantha religion reformed god to universal athman or brahman and evolved to modern Hinduism with a mixture of polytheism.
In his description of living beings in the universe, the Buddha has described some with a body made of fine material (brahma beings) in comparison to the gross material body of human and animal beings. One may assume the brahma body may not be carbon based.
The Buddha has also described living beings with physical body only (asannasatta) and another variety with mind only without a body (arupa satta). Therefore, it is not surprising to Buddhists that AI may evolve to become living beings if it develops a readily and freely available mobile source of energy and takes over the world with its superior capacity. AI already has information about Buddhist psychology. With that knowledge ‘AI beings’ may even become Buddhists not given to rituals.
According to the Buddha, brahma beings and asannasatta beings have very long lifespans as their bodies are not subject to decay and illness human beings develop. The new AI beings also may live as long as they wish because they may be able to repair themselves in case of developing physical defects. They would need only ethical behaviour to avoid destroying themselves by peaceful existence if they took over the world, as feared in some quarters.
However, as long as human beings exist in the world with death and uncertainty of what happens after death, they need a religion and rituals to give them psychological support. Even those who profess death is the end of life may have some doubt troubling their mind from time to time and may think of religion in times of adversity.
Ideally, human beings are free to accept one of the many versions of religious philosophies and respect each other’s choice and live in harmony. Unfortunately, extreme degrees of religious versions that cause division, unrest and violence will always continue to exist together with religions in the world.
Upali Abeysiri
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
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