Features

Navigating stability towards dynamic growth – 1

Published

1 year ago

2024/08/5

Sustaining Reform Momentum for a Strong Recovery: Impact of Geopolitics

Text of speech
by former Foreign Secretary
H. M. G. S. Palihakkara
recently at the CMA National Management Accounting Conference 2024

We the citizens of Sri Lanka suffer many hardships at this juncture. Among them are three fatigues—Crisis fatigue, Reform fatigue and last but not the least, the Analysis fatigue. I hope my remarks will not add to this last one. More so because we seem to have an abundance of analysis but are confronted with a paucity of solutions, particularly those based on the imperative of agreed reforms. I emphasise the word ‘agreed’. This is simply to flag the need for a political understanding, if not a consensus on a way forward, anchored in a prudent reform regime. The stark reality is that if the crisis was painful, the reforms needed to recover can be equally or more painful.

Hence my emphasis on a consensual reform regime. That was how other countries – ranging from India to Italy to Greece, to name only a few – prevented such crises from happening or recovered after such crises. Unfortunately, for the people of Sri Lanka, their so-called leaders, on all sides, have failed once again to reach a common understanding on the imperative and substance of reforms. They failed, too, to explain that stark reality to the taxpayers who have to bear the burden of a double jeopardy viz. an agonizing crisis followed by reform pain. Instead, the quarrelling politicians, on both sides, have opted to expose this ‘existential requirement’ of reforms to the unforgiving blood sport, called the election politics, in a very controversial election campaign. Consequently, we have enforced reforms instead of consensual reforms.

This political malaise spawns several concerns:

Firstly, it suggests a degree of uncertainty and unpredictability to the trajectory and future of reforms,

Secondly, the external inputs needed for recovery are becoming more prescriptive, or even punitive – the latest report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to the ongoing session of HRC, in Geneva, already suggests this unprecedented line of action towards Sri Lanka, even in the context of the reform-restructuring effort under the IMF auspices. I have not seen such an approach in regard to any other similarly affected country. We don’t have a domestic consensus with which one can negotiate credibly with these external interlocutors.

Finally, it can once again open windows for intrusive geopolitical pressures constraining our freedom of choice in public policymaking and governance even as our creditors formulate their medium- and long-term approach to Sri Lanka’s problems, consistent with their own financial and strategic interests.

The forthcoming elections have already become controversial. If and when they are held, they may change some faces but not much else. This is because it is not yet clear whether the outcome of the election will bring about a more constructive and consensual approach to reforms or whether it will aggravate the prevailing polarization of reform hardships being used for regime change again.

This then is the context in which we have to look at the impact of geopolitics on the recovery/reform effort.

Sri Lanka has now reached a semblance of stability with some economic and financial indicators showing good work in progress. There is also a reasonable outcome in negotiations with bilateral, plus multilateral creditors, as well as with the all-important non-state ISB creditors. These happened despite a volatile election season, that is looming large, and related uncertainties. This good work by the negotiators needs to be appreciated. However, the breathing space thus gained to recover and move on, cannot and should not be misconstrued as an assured pathway to sustainable growth. It won’t happen without a political consensus committed to a consistent and continued reform effort over the long haul.

There are concerns on several fronts.

Usual election polemics about undeliverable promises are being heard again. There is unhinged trade union activism, and other disruptive street manifestations not always driven by the principles of collective bargaining but by parochial interests. The State’s propensity to respond to these disruptions and distortions by using water cannons and forceful suppression as a substitute for negotiations is quite worrisome as these already signal the perils of enforced reforms as against consensual reforms. Such reforms that decimate the vulnerable segments of society and multiply poverty can bring about more instability and no agreed pathways. The rising poverty statistics given by UNDP, if accurate, are alarming and depressing.

Obviously, it is necessary to reaffirm the reform imperative. One must also explore how and why it is in Sri Lanka’s national interest to do consensual reforms as against enforced reforms even from a perspective of geopolitics and negotiating the external inputs required to advance the recovery/growth process beyond the current status quo – an inflection point at which Sri Lanka seems to be rather delicately placed .

First, what is geopolitics?

The term geopolitics is said to be a coinage by the Swedish political scientist Rudolf Kjellén about the turn of the 20th century. It sports many definitions and volumes of literature. Suffice it to say here that geopolitics is no better or no worse than local politics. Geopolitics represents doctrines, policies and practices by major powers to advance their interests by the use or the threat of use of power, often at the expense of some others’ interests. Basically, it is power-based manipulation. It may be hard power or soft power – military, economic or cultural power. Countries that hop from crisis to crisis due to bad macroeconomic deficits and fiscal indiscipline, like Sri Lanka, are particularly vulnerable. Multilateral system entities, like IMF, WB, etc., have ancillary roles in this geopolitical framework. Sri Lankan crisis fits in here as a telling case study. So, geopolitics has been and will continue to figure as synonymous with coercive international politics.

So why bother much about geopolitics or externalities – international system? After all, it is our economy and our work at home. If we get it right here, we can’t go wrong abroad? In an ideal world yes, but not necessarily in the real world. Although there is much talk by the major powers about the primacy of a rules-based order of the world, in reality it is more a world where the rule of force rather than the force of rule applies, as we discussed above. We cannot grow or develop ourselves in isolation. Also, the playing field is uneven and the world is asymmetric.

The Oxford handbook of Modern diplomacy says:

quote:

“… domestic policy objectives cannot be achieved independently of what is happening in the global economy or of the policies of other countries….economic diplomacy is all about reconciling domestic and international policy objectives in an increasingly interdependent if not global, economy….” unquote

The home truth embedded in this diplomatic jargon is that the high moral ground of a ‘rules-based international order’ notwithstanding, we should be pragmatic enough to reconcile our policy objectives with those of other countries – translation: we need to reckon with geopolitical power play.

In its broadest sense, geopolitics have and will interact with both the causes of as well as recovery from Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

The US-led West and India, plus some analysts in Sri Lanka, opine that a principal contributor to the crisis is the alleged debt trap diplomacy by China, driven by its strategic interests – primarily its aggressive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) designed to project its rising global footprint. Obviously, this view is connected with complex strategic calculations by the Western alliance and by India for managing and containing the phenomenal rise of China as an economic powerhouse and a major global player. The West and India want to contain China without precipitating an armed conflict or an economic decoupling with that country. Of course, China and Sri Lanka dispute this contention citing much more complex considerations and structural issues as being responsible for the Sri Lankan crisis. In fact, China contends that Sri Lanka is not in a ‘China debt trap’ but in a development trap of its own making. Analysts here, too, feel that the crisis was of Sri Lanka’s own making due to failures in macroeconomic management, governance, public policy blunders – on the whole, a mal-functioning system, political mischief and corruption here – and, very importantly, a long running internationally focused accountability deficit in the country.

One can hardly blame those who surmise that the truth lies somewhere in between these two contentions – namely the preponderance of China in bilateral debt as well as clear and present failures in political leadership, governance, public policy and endemic corruption in this country.

Complexity of these considerations relevant to the genesis of our crisis as well as to recovery therefrom is signified by various perceptions about our crisis by different geopolitical players – some perceptions complement each other while others seem to countervail.

For instance:

* Negotiating crisis recovery and reaching a sustainable growth path require not only sound economic analysis but also careful diplomacy to corral key creditors onto a common platform beneficial to Sri Lanka. But this is caught up in the triangular rivalry and competition among the US-led West/India on one side and China on the other.

* India would like to frame what it calls its ‘generous’ financial assistance to Sri Lanka during the crisis, as an expression of what it sees as its legitimate sphere of influence in the region, particularly South Asia. Accordingly, Indian assistance may necessitate geopolitical quid pro cos from Sri Lanka.

* The Western/Indian creditors claim that China came on board debt restructuring ‘common ground’ for Sri Lanka owing to diplomatic pressure from their Indo Pacific partners who basically constitute the core of the Paris Club – US Asst Secretary of State Donald Lu during his last visit to Sri Lanka said as much by making this assertion publicly. China predictably disputes this.

* This somewhat tangled web of permutations signifies a complex mix of foreign relations, geopolitics and economic interests.

This notwithstanding, GOSL has done reasonably well so far to navigate the debt restructuring stretch of the recovery process as indicated by the recently announced outcome of negotiations with bilateral state creditors and non-state creditors.

This needs to be built upon a firm foundation of a consistent and continued reforms drive going beyond the grace period secured by Sri Lanka, so as to ensure that reasonable progress so far does not morph into yet another crisis down the road but that progress will transit into a stable growth scenario.

(To be continued)

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Features

The call for review of reforms in education: discussion continues …

Published

3 hours ago

2026/02/3

Sahan Weerasooriya

PM Harini Amarasuriya

The hype around educational reforms has abated slightly, but the scandal of the reforms persists. And in saying scandal, I don’t mean the error of judgement surrounding a misprinted link of an online dating site in a Grade 6 English language text book. While that fiasco took on a nasty, undeserved attack on the Minister of Education and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, fundamental concerns with the reforms have surfaced since then and need urgent discussion and a mechanism for further analysis and action. Members of Kuppi have been writing on the reforms the past few months, drawing attention to the deeply troubling aspects of the reforms. Just last week, a statement, initiated by Kuppi, and signed by 94 state university teachers, was released to the public, drawing attention to the fundamental problems underlining the reforms https://island.lk/general-educational-reforms-to-what-purpose-a-statement-by-state-university-teachers/. While the furore over the misspelled and misplaced reference and online link raged in the public domain, there were also many who welcomed the reforms, seeing in the package, a way out of the bottle neck that exists today in our educational system, as regards how achievement is measured and the way the highly competitive system has not helped to serve a population divided by social class, gendered functions and diversities in talent and inclinations. However, the reforms need to be scrutinised as to whether they truly address these concerns or move education in a progressive direction aimed at access and equity, as claimed by the state machinery and the Minister… And the answer is a resounding No.

The statement by 94 university teachers deplores the high handed manner in which the reforms were hastily formulated, and without public consultation. It underlines the problems with the substance of the reforms, particularly in the areas of the structure of education, and the content of the text books. The problem lies at the very outset of the reforms, with the conceptual framework. While the stated conceptualisation sounds fancifully democratic, inclusive, grounded and, simultaneously, sensitive, the detail of the reforms-structure itself shows up a scandalous disconnect between the concept and the structural features of the reforms. This disconnect is most glaring in the way the secondary school programme, in the main, the junior and senior secondary school Phase I, is structured; secondly, the disconnect is also apparent in the pedagogic areas, particularly in the content of the text books. The key players of the “Reforms” have weaponised certain seemingly progressive catch phrases like learner- or student-centred education, digital learning systems, and ideas like moving away from exams and text-heavy education, in popularising it in a bid to win the consent of the public. Launching the reforms at a school recently, Dr. Amarasuriya says, and I cite the state-owned broadside Daily News here, “The reforms focus on a student-centered, practical learning approach to replace the current heavily exam-oriented system, beginning with Grade One in 2026 (https://www.facebook.com/reel/1866339250940490). In an address to the public on September 29, 2025, Dr. Amarasuriya sings the praises of digital transformation and the use of AI-platforms in facilitating education (https://www.facebook.com/share/v/14UvTrkbkwW/), and more recently in a slightly modified tone (https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/PM-pledges-safe-tech-driven-digital-education-for-Sri-Lankan-children/108-331699).

The idea of learner- or student-centric education has been there for long. It comes from the thinking of Paulo Freire, Ivan Illyich and many other educational reformers, globally. Freire, in particular, talks of learner-centred education (he does not use the term), as transformative, transformative of the learner’s and teacher’s thinking: an active and situated learning process that transforms the relations inhering in the situation itself. Lev Vygotsky, the well-known linguist and educator, is a fore runner in promoting collaborative work. But in his thought, collaborative work, which he termed the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) is processual and not goal-oriented, the way teamwork is understood in our pedagogical frameworks; marks, assignments and projects. In his pedagogy, a well-trained teacher, who has substantial knowledge of the subject, is a must. Good text books are important. But I have seen Vygotsky’s idea of ZPD being appropriated to mean teamwork where students sit around and carry out a task already determined for them in quantifying terms. For Vygotsky, the classroom is a transformative, collaborative place.

But in our neo liberal times, learner-centredness has become quick fix to address the ills of a (still existing) hierarchical classroom. What it has actually achieved is reduce teachers to the status of being mere cogs in a machine designed elsewhere: imitative, non-thinking followers of some empty words and guide lines. Over the years, this learner-centred approach has served to destroy teachers’ independence and agency in designing and trying out different pedagogical methods for themselves and their classrooms, make input in the formulation of the curriculum, and create a space for critical thinking in the classroom.

Thus, when Dr. Amarasuriya says that our system should not be over reliant on text books, I have to disagree with her (https://www.newsfirst.lk/2026/01/29/education-reform-to-end-textbook-tyranny ). The issue is not with over reliance, but with the inability to produce well formulated text books. And we are now privy to what this easy dismissal of text books has led us into – the rabbit hole of badly formulated, misinformed content. I quote from the statement of the 94 university teachers to illustrate my point.

“The textbooks for the Grade 6 modules . . . . contain rampant typographical errors and include (some undeclared) AI-generated content, including images that seem distant from the student experience. Some textbooks contain incorrect or misleading information. The Global Studies textbook associates specific facial features, hair colour, and skin colour, with particular countries and regions, and refers to Indigenous peoples in offensive terms long rejected by these communities (e.g. “Pygmies”, “Eskimos”). Nigerians are portrayed as poor/agricultural and with no electricity. The Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy textbook introduces students to “world famous entrepreneurs”, mostly men, and equates success with business acumen. Such content contradicts the policy’s stated commitment to “values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Is this the kind of content we want in our textbooks?”

Where structure is concerned, it is astounding to note that the number of subjects has increased from the previous number, while the duration of a single period has considerably reduced. This is markedly noticeable in the fact that only 30 hours are allocated for mathematics and first language at the junior secondary level, per term. The reduced emphasis on social sciences and humanities is another matter of grave concern. We have seen how TV channels and YouTube videos are churning out questionable and unsubstantiated material on the humanities. In my experience, when humanities and social sciences are not properly taught, and not taught by trained teachers, students, who will have no other recourse for related knowledge, will rely on material from controversial and substandard outlets. These will be their only source. So, instruction in history will be increasingly turned over to questionable YouTube channels and other internet sites. Popular media have an enormous influence on the public and shapes thinking, but a well formulated policy in humanities and social science teaching could counter that with researched material and critical thought. Another deplorable feature of the reforms lies in provisions encouraging students to move toward a career path too early in their student life.

The National Institute of Education has received quite a lot of flak in the fall out of the uproar over the controversial Grade 6 module. This is highlighted in a statement, different from the one already mentioned, released by influential members of the academic and activist public, which delivered a sharp critique of the NIE, even while welcoming the reforms (https://ceylontoday.lk/2026/01/16/academics-urge-govt-safeguard-integrity-of-education-reforms). The government itself suspended key players of the NIE in the reform process, following the mishap. The critique of NIE has been more or less uniform in our own discussions with interested members of the university community. It is interesting to note that both statements mentioned here have called for a review of the NIE and the setting up of a mechanism that will guide it in its activities at least in the interim period. The NIE is an educational arm of the state, and it is, ultimately, the responsibility of the government to oversee its function. It has to be equipped with qualified staff, provided with the capacity to initiate consultative mechanisms and involve panels of educators from various different fields and disciplines in policy and curriculum making.

In conclusion, I call upon the government to have courage and patience and to rethink some of the fundamental features of the reform. I reiterate the call for postponing the implementation of the reforms and, in the words of the statement of the 94 university teachers, “holistically review the new curriculum, including at primary level.”

(Sivamohan Sumathy was formerly attached to the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

By Sivamohan Sumathy

Features

Constitutional Council and the President’s Mandate

Published

3 hours ago

2026/02/3

Sahan Weerasooriya

A file photo of a Constitutional Council meeting

The Constitutional Council stands out as one of Sri Lanka’s most important governance mechanisms particularly at a time when even long‑established democracies are struggling with the dangers of executive overreach. Sri Lanka’s attempt to balance democratic mandate with independent oversight places it within a small but important group of constitutional arrangements that seek to protect the integrity of key state institutions without paralysing elected governments. Democratic power must be exercised, but it must also be restrained by institutions that command broad confidence. In each case, performance has been uneven, but the underlying principle is shared.

Comparable mechanisms exist in a number of democracies. In the United Kingdom, independent appointments commissions for the judiciary and civil service operate alongside ministerial authority, constraining but not eliminating political discretion. In Canada, parliamentary committees scrutinise appointments to oversight institutions such as the Auditor General, whose independence is regarded as essential to democratic accountability. In India, the collegium system for judicial appointments, in which senior judges of the Supreme Court play the decisive role in recommending appointments, emerged from a similar concern to insulate the judiciary from excessive political influence.

The Constitutional Council in Sri Lanka was developed to ensure that the highest level appointments to the most important institutions of the state would be the best possible under the circumstances. The objective was not to deny the executive its authority, but to ensure that those appointed would be independent, suitably qualified and not politically partisan. The Council is entrusted with oversight of appointments in seven critical areas of governance. These include the judiciary, through appointments to the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, the independent commissions overseeing elections, public service, police, human rights, bribery and corruption, and the office of the Auditor General.

JVP Advocacy

The most outstanding feature of the Constitutional Council is its composition. Its ten members are drawn from the ranks of the government, the main opposition party, smaller parties and civil society. This plural composition was designed to reflect the diversity of political opinion in Parliament while also bringing in voices that are not directly tied to electoral competition. It reflects a belief that legitimacy in sensitive appointments comes not only from legal authority but also from inclusion and balance.

The idea of the Constitutional Council was strongly promoted around the year 2000, during a period of intense debate about the concentration of power in the executive presidency. Civil society organisations, professional bodies and sections of the legal community championed the position that unchecked executive authority had led to abuse of power and declining public trust. The JVP, which is today the core part of the NPP government, was among the political advocates in making the argument and joined the government of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga on this platform.

The first version of the Constitutional Council came into being in 2001 with the 17th Amendment to the Constitution during the presidency of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. The Constitutional Council functioned with varying degrees of effectiveness. There were moments of cooperation and also moments of tension. On several occasions President Kumaratunga disagreed with the views of the Constitutional Council, leading to deadlock and delays in appointments. These experiences revealed both the strengths and weaknesses of the model.

Since its inception in 2001, the Constitutional Council has had its ups and downs. Successive constitutional amendments have alternately weakened and strengthened it. The 18th Amendment significantly reduced its authority, restoring much of the appointment power to the executive. The 19th Amendment reversed this trend and re-established the Council with enhanced powers. The 20th Amendment again curtailed its role, while the 21st Amendment restored a measure of balance. At present, the Constitutional Council operates under the framework of the 21st Amendment, which reflects a renewed commitment to shared decision making in key appointments.

Undermining Confidence

The particular issue that has now come to the fore concerns the appointment of the Auditor General. This is a constitutionally protected position, reflecting the central role played by the Auditor General’s Department in monitoring public spending and safeguarding public resources. Without a credible and fearless audit institution, parliamentary oversight can become superficial and corruption flourishes unchecked. The role of the Auditor General’s Department is especially important in the present circumstances, when rooting out corruption is a stated priority of the government and a central element of the mandate it received from the electorate at the presidential and parliamentary elections held in 2024.

So far, the government has taken hitherto unprecedented actions to investigate past corruption involving former government leaders. These actions have caused considerable discomfort among politicians now in the opposition and out of power. However, a serious lacuna in the government’s anti-corruption arsenal is that the post of Auditor General has been vacant for over six months. No agreement has been reached between the government and the Constitutional Council on the nominations made by the President. On each of the four previous occasions, the nominees of the President have failed to obtain its concurrence.

The President has once again nominated a senior officer of the Auditor General’s Department whose appointment was earlier declined by the Constitutional Council. The key difference on this occasion is that the composition of the Constitutional Council has changed. The three representatives from civil society are new appointees and may take a different view from their predecessors. The person appointed needs to be someone who is not compromised by long years of association with entrenched interests in the public service and politics. The task ahead for the new Auditor General is formidable. What is required is professional competence combined with moral courage and institutional independence.

New Opportunity

By submitting the same nominee to the Constitutional Council, the President is signaling a clear preference and calling it to reconsider its earlier decision in the light of changed circumstances. If the President’s nominee possesses the required professional qualifications, relevant experience, and no substantiated allegations against her, the presumption should lean toward approving the appointment. The Constitutional Council is intended to moderate the President’s authority and not nullify it.

A consensual, collegial decision would be the best outcome. Confrontational postures may yield temporary political advantage, but they harm public institutions and erode trust. The President and the government carry the democratic mandate of the people; this mandate brings both authority and responsibility. The Constitutional Council plays a vital oversight role, but it does not possess an independent democratic mandate of its own and its legitimacy lies in balanced, principled decision making.

Sri Lanka’s experience, like that of many democracies, shows that institutions function best when guided by restraint, mutual respect, and a shared commitment to the public good. The erosion of these values elsewhere in the world demonstrates their importance. At this critical moment, reaching a consensus that respects both the President’s mandate and the Constitutional Council’s oversight role would send a powerful message that constitutional governance in Sri Lanka can work as intended.

by Jehan Perera

Features

Gypsies … flying high

Published

3 hours ago

2026/02/3

Sahan Weerasooriya

The present setup

The scene has certainly changed for the Gypsies and today one could consider them as awesome crowd-pullers, with plenty of foreign tours, making up their itinerary.

With the demise of Sunil Perera, music lovers believed that the Gypsies would find the going tough in the music scene as he was their star, and, in fact, Sri Lanka’s number one entertainer/singer,

Even his brother Piyal Perera, who is now in charge of the Gypsies, admitted that after Sunil’s death he was in two minds about continuing with the band.

However, the scene started improving for the Gypsies, and then stepped in Shenal Nishshanka, in December 2022, and that was the turning point,

With Shenal in their lineup, Piyal then decided to continue with the Gypsies, but, he added, “I believe I should check out our progress in the scene…one year at a time.”

The original Gypsies: The five brothers Lal, Nimal, Sunil, Nihal and Piyal

They had success the following year, 2023, and then decided that they continue in 2024, as well, and more success followed.

The year 2025 opened up with plenty of action for the band, including several foreign assignments, and 2026 has already started on an awesome note, with a tour of Australia and New Zealand, which will keep the Gypsies in that part of the world, from February to March.

Shenal has already turned out to be a great crowd puller, and music lovers in Australia and New Zealand can look forward to some top class entertainment from both Shenal and Piyal.

Piyal, who was not much in the spotlight when Sunil was in the scene, is now very much upfront, supporting Shenal, and they do an awesome job on stage … keeping the audience entertained.

Shenal is, in fact, a rocker, who plays the guitar, and is extremely creative on stage with his baila.

‘Api Denna’ Piyal and Shenal

Piyal and Shenal also move into action as a duo ‘Api Denna’ and have even done their duo scene abroad.

Piyal mentioned that the Gypsies will feature a female vocalist during their tour of New Zealand.

“With Monique Wille’s departure from the band, we now operate without a female vocalist, but if a female vocalist is required for certain events, we get a solo female singer involved, as a guest artiste. She does her own thing and we back her, and New Zealand requested for a female vocalist and Dilmi will be doing the needful for us,” said Piyal.

According to Piyal, he originally had plans to end the Gypsies in the year 2027 but with the demand for the Gypsies at a very high level now those plans may not work out, he says.