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NABBED IN NAMIBIA

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(Excerpted from an anthology of memoirs by LC Arulpragasam)

Political Background

Some background is in order. Germany held the territory known as South West Africa from 1880 to 1914. Apart from massacres of the natives, their rule was accompanied by the establishment of very large German-owned farms in the cultivable parts of the country. After Germany’s loss in World War I (1914-18), it was forced to give up the territory to South Africa by the League of Nations in 1918, to be held in trust as a mandated territory. But South Africa annexed the territory and refused to give it up when the United Nations withdrew its mandate at the end of World War II.

Worse still, South Africa applied its oppressive apartheid policies to South West Africa too. Spurred by resistance movements in neighboring countries, such as Angola and Zimbabwe, armed resistance was started by the South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO). In view of South Africa’s defiance of the UN’s termination of its mandate, the UN sponsored moves to nurse this territory and its people, now known as Namibia, towards independence. To this end, it set up a United Nations Council for Namibia in New York to orchestrate political efforts at the international level and a UN Institute for Namibia in Lusaka (Zambia) to provide the needed technical and administrative training to Namibians, in order to prepare them for independence.

Meanwhile, given the turning tides of international opinion and the ongoing guerrilla war, the South African Government decided to seek a political solution (short of independence) in its conflict with SWAPO. To this end, it proposed the Turnhalle Agreement in 1977, which offered limited autonomy to Namibia, provided that SWAPO agreed to give up its armed struggle and accept territory-wide elections, which would determine the terms and conditions of the proposed autonomy. My first visit to the UN Institute in Lusaka, Zambia occurred at this time, when SWAPO, the Namibian independence movement, had to decide whether it would participate in the national elections to be held in 1978 in terms of the Turnhalle Agreement.

Agrarian Reform Options

Since Namibia was supposed to be on the verge of independence at this time (around 1977), there was a rush to prepare it for independence in terms of institutions and policies. This applied especially in the field of agrarian reform, since access to land was the primary demand of the SWAPO freedom-fighters. In this context, the Institute for Namibia (located in Lusaka, Zambia) convened a Symposium on Land Reform for Namibia (around 1977) to be attended by the top land reform scholars and authorities in the world. Since no one in FAO knew anything about land tenure in South West Africa, I was sent to fill the breach, although I too knew nothing about Namibia.

For the first two days of the meeting, I kept my mouth shut with the sole purpose of not displaying my ignorance. On the final day, I started questioning the line of reasoning and intended recommendations, thus contradicting most of what had been decided over the past three days. The Symposium had, therefore, to break up with no conclusions reached, except that I should brief the consultant who was to write the paper on ‘Land Reform Options for Namibia’! I was called upon later, to write a road map for agrarian reform for an independent Namibia.

As is well known, there was an enormous disparity in land ownership between the native Namibians, who constituted about 90 per cent of the population but controlled only 10 per cent of the cultivable/pasture land, as against the white population of German or South African origin, who comprised only five per cent of the population but controlled 90 per cent of the land. Briefly, there are three parts of the country, each requiring a different land reform solution. While there was agreement in the approaches for the north and central parts of the country, there was a conflict between my recommendation and that of the conference to the problems of the south, the area of most unequal land ownership. Ultimately, my views on agrarian reform options for Namibia were accepted by SWAPO, who of course preferred the socialist option (I had set out two options) due to their political preferences at that time.

My ‘Surrender’ to SWAPO

That night, at a party hosted by Dr. Hage Geingob, the Director of the UN Institute for Namibia, I joined in the drinking and dancing that was going on. During one of my pauses I happened to join a small group of young Namibians who were discussing the pros and cons of SWAPO’s participation in the proposed elections under the Turnhalle Agreement. Having had a couple of drinks, I opined that SWAPO would be foolish to accept the offered terms, since the entire election machinery was controlled by the South African Government. I even gratuitously predicted that SWAPO would lose the election, despite its wide support in the country.

I did not know much about elections, but among the blind, the one-eyed man was king! I pointed out that, first, the electoral register would be prepared by the South African Government with no input or monitoring from SWAPO, since they had no election machinery, Secondly, there were logistical difficulties. For instance, the ballots of the bushmen in the desert would be ‘obtained’ by officers of the South African Government and transported through the desert for two days by jeep. How would SWAPO ever know what happened to those ballot boxes during their journey? So I stressed again that unless SWAPO was able to closely monitor the preparation of the electoral registers as well as the entire electoral process, it would find itself cheated of victory, signifying also the end of their dream of independence.

After briefing the consultant well past midnight with my head heavy with drinks, I tried to make my way to my room at the end of a long, open walkway, with men standing on both sides, drinking. So I walked warily to my room and for safety, double-locked the door. Since it was past 01 a.m. and I had to leave for the airport by 05 a.m.to catch my flight, I started packing before I fell asleep.

But I was interrupted by sharp knocking on my door. After repeated knocks, I had to open the door, taking my best boxing stance, giving only the side of my body in case of a knife thrust. To my surprise, I found the Director of the Namibian Institute, Dr. Hage Geingob and five others who wanted to enter. The Director then ‘re-introduced’ himself and the others, stating that they were all members of the Central Committee of SWAPO. When they came into power, he himself would be the Foreign Minister (in fact, he became the first Prime Minister of Namibia), Comrade Chitzero here would be the Minister of Education and so on.

They had come to see me because they had heard of my contrary view regarding their participation in the elections under the Turnhalle Agreement. I had earlier ad-libbed after too many drinks; but now I had to speak with greater responsibility, since I was now speaking to the future government of Namibia! But my position was basically the same: if SWAPO could not control or closely monitor the electoral process, it would certainly lose the election – and its hope for independence.

The problem was that SWAPO had been advised by the UN Council for Namibia in New York (their only helper in international affairs) to accept the Turnhalle Agreement and the proposed elections. Further, they (SWAPO’s Central Committee) had already sent official instructions to their delegation in New York to accept the terms of the election and the rest of the Agreement. Quite worried now, they wanted more details of the nuts and bolts of the electoral process. Although most of these young men had high postgraduate qualifications from American and British Universities, they had never been allowed to advance beyond elementary school, nor even allowed access to lower clerical positions in their country. As a result, they had no knowledge, nor experience of election laws or of the procedures for their implementation. So although I had a short election experience in only one district in Sri Lanka, I had to give them a run-down of the critical points of control and possible points of manipulation and cheating at elections. From this I went on to the minimum points of organization, administrative checks and monitoring that would need to be established in order to safeguard the integrity of the electoral process.

They talked animatedly among themselves for some time. They then explained their problem. Their Central Committee had already instructed their delegation in New York to officially communicate to the UN Council that SWAPO had agreed to participate in the elections. The UN Council for Namibia was to meet in four days’ time to ratify this decision. In light of what I had told them, they (SWAPO’s Central Committee) had decided (in my room!) to reverse their position on the elections and on the Turnhalle Agreement. However, they did not know enough about election law and procedures to explain their reasons to their representative in New York. So they wanted me to fly to New York immediately as their special emissary to brief their delegation there, before the scheduled meeting of the UN Council. They said: ‘You are our brother, and you must help us!’

I was taken aback by this turn of events, but was equally afraid of being dragged into a political enterprise into which no international civil servant should venture. Besides, I knew that FAO would fire me if they knew that I had traipsed off to New York on a political expedition! Faced with my refusal, they changed their tack and said that if I would not go to New York, I should at least help them by writing a full brief, outlining all that I had explained to them, so that they could send it that morning by special emissary to New York. Despite my protests, their reply was simple: ‘Your plane will not be allowed to take off until you finish it!’ It was only then that I realized that I was a ‘captive’ of SWAPO. I also realized the political power that they wielded as a rebel movement in Zambia, even though it was not their own country – and that they did not have a country at all!

So I had to put my head under the shower (to keep awake) and start writing! I had already written 17 full pages when their car arrived to take me to the airport; but I had not yet finished. To which they matter-of-factly replied: ‘Don’t worry: we will not allow your plane to take off until you finish!’ True to that night’s decisions, SWAPO rejected the Turnhalle Agreement and refused to take part in the proposed elections, resulting in Namibia losing what seemed to be its best chance of ‘independence’. I naturally began to feel quite guilty that a few extra drinks of mine had rolled into events that had ultimately led to the postponement of Namibian independence by about 10 years!

I had nothing to do with Namibia for those nearly 10 years. By this time, the growing international opposition to South Africa’s apartheid policies, the burgeoning military strength of SWAPO, plus mounting UN pressure was making Namibian independence come closer to reality. Hence, around 1985, FAO received a request for my services from the UN Council for Namibia to write a new paper on ‘Agrarian Reform Options for an Independent Namibia’. So off I went again to Lusaka (Zambia), slinking into the UN Institute for Namibia, feeling quite guilty about my role that had resulted in the postponement of their Independence. But I was greeted by the Director of the Institute (later to be the first Prime Minister of Namibia) who thanked me for having saved them from the trap of a rigged election, through which they could have lost everything. Needless to say, I felt quite relieved and vindicated!

Now they wanted me not only to write their new position paper on agrarian reform, but they also wanted my participation in a symposium on ‘Election Law and Procedures’. I had to plead that I was no expert on elections and had never pretended to be one: But since the Director was insistent, I had to tell him that FAO would give me much trouble if the UN sought me out as an expert in election law, in which I was not qualified at all!

Agricultural Policy for Independent Namibia

A new UN Commissioner for Namibia had been appointed in the person of Mr. Marti Adhisaari to actively steer Namibia towards independence. Meanwhile the UN had started preparing policy papers in all development fields. FAO as the lead agency for agriculture was asked to mount a mission on agricultural policy and I was asked to lead this first agricultural policy mission to Namibia.

This afforded me my first opportunity to actually set foot on Namibian soil. Our needed technical and policy briefings were given by white South African officials, who had obviously not dealt with coloured persons of authority before. I was able through my experience in agricultural policy analysis in many countries, to pull together a fairly impressive agricultural policy paper for Namibia. In fact, my presentation so impressed Mr. Marti Adhisaari (the UN Commissioner for Namibia) that he insisted that I should fly in his personal plane to the following donors’ meeting in Oslo.

Conclusion

My biggest ‘problem’ on this last mission was my personal relationship with Dr. Hage Geingob, who had by this time resigned his post as Director of the UN Institute for Namibia to become the Secretary-General of SWAPO and its new Commissioner of Elections. He had probably intervened to ensure that FAO nominate me to lead this policy mission and would have fully expected me to call on him. To this day, I regret very much that I did not do so. Recently, I have been trying to analyze the reasons why I consciously avoided meeting him. My first ‘reason’ seems to have been a hark-back to my old ‘stiff-upper-lip’ colonial training, where I was taught to avoid all political contacts. I realize in retrospect how stupid this had been, because I owed it to my assignment to obtain all possible inputs – even from active politicians – for my study on agricultural policy. However, I also had to admit that my avoidance of this prize political contact (knowing that he was to become the Prime Minister of Namibia) was that I feared that he would commit me to work in Namibia for the next few years.

I had just retired from FAO, was just beginning to enjoy my life in Rome: I did not want to be consigned to a faraway country in Africa. My family was also scattered between America, Italy and Sri Lanka, and I could not contemplate going halfway around the world to the southern tip of Africa to spend the last years of my life there. Anyway, my action (or lack of it) must have seemed a gratuitous insult to Dr. Hage Geingob, who later became the first Prime Minister of independent Namibia. He has made no further attempt contact me – or I, him. So ended the Namibian chapter of my life.



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The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran

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Iranians vowing resistance at a mass funeral of the victims of US-Israeli airstrikes

(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)

The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.

Iran not merely a state

Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.

In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.

Energy-embedded global economy

The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.

The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.

Decline of global order based on US hegemony

This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.

Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance

Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.

Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.

Transition shaped by paradoxes

In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.

The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.

This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.

by Gamini Keerawella ✍️

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The dawn of smart help for little ones

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How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care

For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.

In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.

Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.

What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?

Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.

The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.

The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.

Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen

AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:

1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles

One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.

2. The Sound of a Voice

Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.

3. Movement and Play

Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.

Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions

The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.

Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.

Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?

The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”

For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.

Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.

The Human Element: Proceed with Care

As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.

= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.

= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.

= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.

A Brighter Future

We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.

The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.

 The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months

The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.

Communication and Social Cues

= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?

= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?

= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?

= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?

Behaviour and Play

= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).

= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?

= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?

The “Golden Rule” of Regression

Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.

If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely

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The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.

Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?

Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.

This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.

The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.

For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.

The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.

Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.

Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.

This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.

by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com

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