Features
Myanmar…..unlike any land you know about
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by ACB Pethiyagoda
A desire to visit Burma (Myanmar since 1989) having seen the film ‘The Story of Dr. Wossell’ as a school boy was fulfilled recently. The film was about a dedicated British Army Medical Officer who during World War II fell in love with the country and more deeply with a lithesome and compassionate Buddhist Burmese lady and chose to remain with her in her country after demobilization.
Several books, fiction and non-fiction of the country read over the years made the desire greater. However, Burma’s isolation from the rest of the world since 1962 when the military junta known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) seized power, rumours of political unrest, and later the house arrest of the Nobel Peace Prize winner and leader of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Sun Kyi made one think twice about making the journey. However, recently people spoke of trickles of tourists flowing into the country and we, a party of five, including my sister followed suit.
Yangon the capital city known as Rangoon up to 1989 is also the international airport. On arrival Customs and Immigration formalities were gone through without the feared hassle. Every foreign visitor however is required to purchase Foreign Exchange Certificates (FECS) for at least US$ 200. The dollar is presently valued at 350 Kyats (pronounced chat) and is presently the official rate of exchange but encashable up to 400 Kyats or more when payments for purchases are made in US dollars or FECs.
There are about 150 licensed hotels in Yangong which are authorized to receive foreign guests in addition to locals. On the top of the range is The Strand (in existence from British times) at around US$ 400 a night with dinner or lunch at US$ 25 and high tea at US$ 10 per person! In the Traders Hotel and Hotel Equatorial, rooms are about half that price. In the budget range there are very many hotels and guesthouses at about US$ 30 double and US$ 20 single with AC, attached bathroom, hot and cold water, mini fridge, good linen and comfortable beds which are more than adequate for the normal tourist. In addition a breakfast of juice, eggs, toast, tea or coffee is included. Payments by foreigners for hotel accommodation are strictly in US dollars or FECs.
Clean and tasty meals of rice or noodles with vegetables, chicken or fish at a little less than US$2 are available in this type of hotel. Hundreds of middle range restaurants which serve Western, Indian, Chinese and Burmese food are found all over Yangon.
Yangon has a population of around four million out of 89 million in the country. It is clean and roads, some with six lanes for traffic, are lined with ornamental trees and flowering shrubs at the center and beyond the wide pavements on both sides. Residential areas of the wealthy where some of the foreign embassies are located are more like the best areas of Singapore, Bangkok, Jakarta etc. No doubt there are the seamy sides of the city but prudent tourists avoid those here or in any country unless they are seeking unnecessary trouble!
A very notable feature is that these roads are well maintained, even those outside the capital, and are completely devoid of refuse not even scraps of paper or other litter. That goes for the bazaars as well (Scott market being the most popular) and the other commercial areas. Pavements of many of these areas, particularly in the evenings, are converted into open air eating houses with low plastic stools for patrons who are served with a variety of food from rice, noodles, soups, barbecued meats of various kinds, to beer, tea and other beverages.
In these bazaars the normal tourist looking for gifts or souvenirs would be attracted by exquisitely carved wooden ornaments, jade jewellery, gem stones (rubies and sapphires), cotton and silk longyi (lungi) – all truly Burmese. As in any other country if one wants to be doubly sure of quality, tourists’ shops located in the better residential areas and the upper class shopping malls would be the choice.
Practically, everyone in the country, rich or poor, in whatever occupation from shop assistants to Government employees, and professionals, other than those in their regulation uniforms, wear the longyi – the Burmese unisex sarong. Men normally wear small checked cotton sarongs well above the ankle with a rather prominent knot in front and with their wallets tucked at the back; perhaps a bit risky in crowded areas.
Women wear very colourful longyis with one end tucked into the side. Men wear western style shirts or less often tunic style collarless shirts above the sarong while the upper garments worn by women are loose blouses in varying styles and colours to match the longyi. This dress is so very sensible, particularly for men in a hot tropical climate and is also very elegant while class distinctions created by different types and styles of western clothing do not arise.
More men in Sri Lanka should adopt this form of dress particularly during non-working hours as casual wear in the evenings – the writer has done that for the last 40 years. Men in two piece suits are a definite rarity and they also do not normally wear the headgear which used to be seen in photographs of leading Burmese men in earlier years. Both men and women wear slippers or sandals and hardly anyone is seen in socks and shoes or barefoot.
With King Anawarahta’s ascendance to the throne in 1044 Burma’s history began to be written and from 1057 it became a Buddhist state. In 1472 King Dhamma Zedi caused a revival of Buddhist culture and during his reign contact with European countries, mainly British, Dutch and French commenced. After several other Burmese Kings, the British took over Mandalay (700 km. North of Yangon) and the surrounding areas after the most ruthless crushing of any opposition to their onward march and consolidation of its power over the whole of Burma which became a part of British India.
In 1942 the Japanese having driven the British out declared Burma an independent country. However, due to their harsh rule a strong anti-Japanese feeling arose and towards the end of World War II the British took control of the country again. On January 27, 1947, 37-year old General Aung San and Prime Minister Clement Atlee signed an agreement for the formation of a Constituent Assembly after a general election.
Aung San’s party won by a majority of 53 seats but in July 1947 he and six of his assistants were assassinated. On January 4, 1948 Independence was granted to Burma with General Aung San’s second in command, U Nu as leader of the country. Since then the country has had continuous political problems with one rebel group or another until the SLORC imposed martial law and took control of the country.
In May 1990 the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Sun Kyi (daughter of the late General Aung San) won a general election with a majority of 93 seats but the ruling military junta continues in power to date having called itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) with 19 Members replacing the former SLORC with 27 members.
Throughout this tumultuous period of Myanmar’s history one aspect of life remained calm, constant and undeterred; veneration of Lord Buddha and adherence to His teachings which were introduced by the Indian Emperor Asoka the Great in the third century BC. This was later followed by frequent visits by Sinhala Buddhist missionaries between the sixth and 10th centuries resulting even now with Sri Lankan visitors often being accepted with a greater degree of cordiality than other foreigners.
Eighty seven percent of the Burmese practice Theravada Buddhism which as is known to us teaches one to work towards ones own salvation through acceptance of the Four Noble Truths and practice of the Eight Precepts. Meditation or correctly called insight awareness based on instructions of the Maha Satipattana is practiced widely by the young and old in temples and their homes as a daily ritual.
Several centres in Yangong teach the discipline to foreigners and locals; and in some simple food and lodging are provided free of charge provided the followers adhere to the rigorous house rules. These are long periods of practice from early dawn to mid morning and in the late evenings, following the Eight Precepts, refraining from solid food after the noon meal and dressing simply and modestly throughout the training period which can be a few weeks or months according to each individuals need.
In all Buddhist temples one cannot fail to notice the deep sense of serenity of the worshipers, groups or individuals in meditation, absolute cleanliness although perhaps thousands pass through each day. Also seen is the absence of tills. Flower offerings and oil lamps with lighting of candles and joss sticks are confined to small and limited areas. Bo trees are seldom seen in temples and the few that are seen have smaller leaves than our Bo trees. Instead of ‘bathing’ these trees, the common practice among the Burmese is to pour water over small statues of the Buddha placed beside small ponds with sprinklings of flowers: one cup of water for each year of life and one extra for future years.
The Shwedagon Paya is the most famous of dagabas or temples in Yangon and Myanmar. It stands on a hillock 190 feet above sea level, 321 feet high from its base, covered in beaten gold, a truly awe inspiring sight particularly early in the morning or late evening. It was built about 2,500 years ago, repaired several times after damage due to earthquakes and enshrines eight strands of the Buddhas hair relics which were brought in to the countryfrom India by two Burmese merchant brothers.
In 1852 British soldiers occupied the premises for 77 years up to 1929, plundered and desecrated the temple and even took away among other treasures a 23-ton bell which accidentally fell into the Yangon River when loading into a ship for transfer to England. Many years later it was retrieved by the Burmese and placed in its original location.
In Prome some 150 miles from Yangon is the hallowed Shwesandaw Paya overlooking the Ayeyarwardy (Irawawaddy) River. Here pilgrims are taken to the base of the dagaba from the bottom of the hill it stands on by a slightly creaky electric lift for which a few Kyats are charged. This edifice is one meter taller than the Shwedagon and is a beautiful sight in the evenings when floodlit. As in the Shwedagon Paya premises hundreds of worshippers pass through daily at all hours in silence and with great piety.
Ten miles south of Prome on the road to Yangong is a temple with a huge statue of the Buddha in the sitting position defiled with a pair of gold rimmed spectacles. To say the least it is bizzare and the serenity of the face is lost.
The story goes that a long time ago a wealthy man of the area was going blind and vowed to gift the existing statue with a pair of spectacles if the treatment he was undergoing answered. He was cured and the vow was fulfilled. Strangely, years later the Christian wife of a British officer in Pyay in colonial times was also said to have been cured of an eye ailment and she too fulfilled a vow by donating a pair of eye glasses to the statue. It is not clear whose gift is seen today. However, one wishes that these two people when cured did not so unfeelingly desecrate a beautiful statue but expressed their gratitude by adding to the sanctity of the temple by other means.
Writing about the practice of religion in Myanmar mention must be made that there are small numbers of Theravada Buddhists, Hindus and Christians, mostly Baptists. Their places of worship are occasionally seen in the city and outside.
Myanmar, specially Yangon is a mixture of a certain degree of modernity and true ‘Burmese-ness;’ values which are a Buddhist way of life, respect for elders in the family or outside, all forms of life, modest simple dress, polite and dignified behaviour. There is evidence of poverty alongside indications of wealth and luxury but true Buddhist culture appears to pervade throughout all sections of society.
Having been cut off from the rest of the world for about 40 years has had its benefits and disadvantages depending on circumstances and situations and what values one looks for.
About 100 years ago Rudyard Kipling’s companion said to him, “This is Burma and it will be quite unlike any land you know about”. How very true even today and may it be that way in the years to come.
(This article by the late author was published in 2001)
Features
2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns
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Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.
Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means
Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.
Economic Democracy and Market Regulation
The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.
The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.
Stability and Continuity in Policy
One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.
Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.
Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues
Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.
The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.
Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures
Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.
One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.
Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.
The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.
Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour
Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.
The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.
Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth
The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.
While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.
Digitization and Financial Transparency
The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.
More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.
Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives
The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.
For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….
Conclusion
Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation
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by Ifham Nizam
Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.
Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.
In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.
Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”
Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.
From Journalism to Urban Innovation
Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.
Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.
The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure
One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.
“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.
Livability as the Core Urban Challenge
For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.
Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.
Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development
Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.
Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.
Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration
Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.
Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.
Call to Action for Sustainable Cities
Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”
Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.
Features
Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate
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by Jehan Perera
President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.
There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.
At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.
EXTREME POWER
The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.
The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.
Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.
MODERATE POLITICS
The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.
Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.
The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.
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