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My friendship with Wijetunga used as a bridge for Gamini D to return to UNP

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Brief period as Chairman of Lake House

At this stage President Wijetunga re-established his friendship with me. Though welcomed by the media and Colombo society he was getting increasingly isolated in the UNP of which he had now become leader by happenstance. Sirisena Cooray had fallen out with him as Wijetunga did not want to portray himself as a stooge of former President Premadasa. The latter had been contemptuous of him after achieving his objective of using him to dislodge Gamini and Lalith. The new Presidents chief confidant at this stage was Tilak Marapone, a kinsman who had been the Attorney General. He also had several businessmen friends like Susil Moonesinghe, “Yasoda” Kasturiaratchi and Earl Gunasekera.

Wijetunga and I met at several functions in Kandy and he invited me to visit him in President’s House. The main link between us however was the gang of officials in Wijetunga’s personal staff who had consistently been with him since I was his Secretary in the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting under the JRJ administration. These Kandy boys were comfortable with me and would constantly advice their boss to get me back and make use of my services. The President was a lonely man who looked forward to leaving Colombo every Friday with his staff to spend the weekend with his wife and only child – a daughter whom he loved very much. He fretted that she was not getting married though advancing in years. The Kandy based staff occupied the President’s House in Kandy and Wijetunga would meet all and sundry there.

A queue of supplicants wended their way through Kandy city and Wijetunga would meet them all and try to accommodate their requests. He wanted to appoint me as the Chairman of Lake House, which at that time was one of the most prestigious positions in the country. I discussed the President’s offer with Gamini and we agreed that I should be the bridge between the President and him. Since his early attempts to befriend Wijetunga had been rebuffed Gamini was desperate to make contact with him and hasten his return to the UNP. This was a scenario which caused much concern to Ranil and his clique of loyalists who wanted to keep Gamini out at any cost. They kept on badmouthing him to Wijetunga who, at that stage, was beginning to change his position particularly because the Parliamentary and Presidential elections were now in the horizon. He was undecided as to whether he should chance a Presidential electoral contest or go for a Parliamentary election.

Chairman of Lake House

I resigned from the Central Provincial Council and took over the position of Chairman of Lake House. The incumbent Chairman a lawyer named Rodrigo, was asked to go at short notice because he was a Premadasa loyalist who was now aligned with Sirisena Cooray and not particularly friendly towards Wijetunga. Cooray was constantly highlighting his loyalty to the deceased President and distancing himself from his successor who in a bold move removed him from the powerful post of General Secretary of the UNP. This sent shockwaves through the party but the general public applauded Cooray’s replacement by Dr. Wijesekera -highly regarded professional and son of a Peradeniya University Professor. The general public and the media welcomed our appointments as an indication of the new President’s open mindedness.

Though I had spent a lifetime in the field of media and information heading Lake House was a new experience for me. At that time it was a highly prestigious and powerful position. I was fortunate in that I had many personal friends among local journalists. Even icons like Tarzie Vittachi, Reggie Siriwardene, Denzil Peiris and Mervyn de Silva were my friends. So were Esmond Wickremasinghe and Ranjit Wijewardene. Among those then in Lake House, Manik de Silva-the editor of Daily News-was my close friend. The other editors too were known to me especially BHS Jayawardene, GS Perera-the editor of Dinamina and Tilakaratne Kuruwita Bandara who was the editor of Silumina. So it was an easy transition for me and I was heartened when the whole staff of the institution gathered at the entrance to the building to welcome me – probably a unique gesture in an institution then still working to strict “D.R. Wijewardena rules”. Today unfortunately, under high government control, Lake House has lost its lustre.

Changes at Lake House

I was keen to make changes at Lake House with the concurrence of a very cooperative Board which included Edward Gunawardene who had retired after a distinguished career in the Police service. The General Manager was Amaradasa, the son of my old friend K. G. Amaradasa, who had been the administrative secretary of the State Literary Bureau in the sixties. It so happened that I was able to commission the giant Rotary press which had been ordered by my predecessor. This enabled our newspapers to be printed closer to distribution deadlines so that we could carry up to date news thereby beating our rivals in that department.

We could also undertake bigger print orders for our popular newspapers thereby releasing our other machines for printing of smaller specialist papers which had been started willy nilly to satisfy various interests and journalists. Many of them were a drain on the company’s income. As a conciliatory gesture I decided to invite the previous owners of Lake House to attend the inaugural ceremony. Ranjit Wijewardene graciously accepted the invitation while his other partners demurred partly because, as they told me later, they could not bear to come back to the premises which were forcibly acquired by Mrs. B on the instigation of the leftists in her Government. President Wijetunga visited Lake House for the opening.

I also had a hand in starting the “Sunday Observer Review of Books” which was designed to assist local writers. To start off I began a review of James Manor’s biography of Bandaranaike entitled the “Expedient Utopian”. My review was published in two consecutive installments. But before I could publish the third installment I got an unexpected telephone call from JR Jayewardene. He wanted me to drop in at “Braemar” for a chat. In my article I had used information available in a book by Micheal Roberts on the Ceylon National Congress.

In those papers there was a reference to Sir John Kotelawala calling the young JRJ a “beachcomber”. At that time there was no love lost between the two since JRJ had brought a resolution to the CNC in which its members were precluded from obtaining membership in another political party. This was aimed primarily at Bandaranaike whose Sinhala Maha Sabha included many leaders of the CNC like Kotelawela. This resolution was opposed by DS Senanayake as well who did not want juniors like JRJ and Dudley to rock the boat while delicate negotiations were going on for Dominion status.

When I called over that afternoon JRJ was in a generous mood. He took me out to the garden facing his sitting room and ordered brandy. While sipping brandy he reminisced about the CNC of which he had been a secretary after Bandaranaike. He said that Kotelawala was hostile to him at that stage and would call him names in his inimitable style. There had been hostility between the Kotelawalas and Jayewardenes of the earlier generation. Sir John’s father and JRJs uncle had married two sisters from the progeny of Mudaliyar Attygalle of Madapatha who was reputed to be one of the richest men in the country. A third sister was married to FR Senanayake. Attygalle’s son who was to inherit the fortune was shot dead by a hired gunman.

John Kotelawala Snr was accused of planning this murder and was found guilty by the Supreme Court, He was sentenced to death. Kotelawala committed suicide in prison. Brother-in-law Jayewardene was despised by the Kotelawalas as he had helped the prosecution to convict their kinsman. That was now all water under the bridge and JRJ did not want those Kotelawala epithets to be resurrected and brought to the notice of a new generation.

I told him that I had no intention of embarrassing him. He talked to me about his retirement and that he was unhappy that all his legatees had been killed. In his usual style he accompanied me to the door and I left marveling at the old man’s stamina and his concern to correct the record about his family for posterity. It was a bravura performance and it has long remained ingrained in my memory. A general election was declared not long after and I could not complete my review of James Manor’s book.

Buriyani

Another noteworthy event in my short stay as Chairman is still referred to as “Amunugama Buriyani”. I received a complaint from the minor staff that the quality of meals in the Lake House canteen had deteriorated. The Chairman’s meals during the time of DR Wijewardena were the stuff of legend. A sick man in his later years, the Chairman’s food had been sent “hot hot” from home by car. His orderlies had arranged it meticulously in a special dining room next to his office. That dining room had been used by all his successors for fine dining and a short siesta afterwards because they spent a lot of time in the premises supervising newspapers which came out both in the morning and evening. The proprietors of Lake House were well known to dedicate much of their time and effort to bring out a set of classy publications.

Needless to say after nationalization the dedication of the state appointed Chairmen were not of the same standard. Nevertheless the mystique about the Chairman’s dining room remained. Since many nationalized ventures “marched on the stomach” of their overpaid workers special attention was paid to canteens and lunch packets which contributed to the ever growing “perks” of the “hoi polloi”. On receiving complaints about this apparently highly sensitive issue by the minor staff of Lake House, I decided to change the class bound “tiffin culture” of the institution.

Taking drastic action based on my experience of canteen procedures in University halls of residence and Kachcheries, I decided to have my lunch in the Lake House canteen.

The workers were overjoyed and the food contractor had to reluctantly improve his menu. The company directors and senior journalists joined me at lunch. I then suggested that the menu should include a “buriyani” to be served as lunch every Friday. This was done much to the satisfaction of the staff and constant requests for higher payments by the food contractor. I was told that this change was continued after my departure and cynical newspapermen of Lake House dubbed it the “Amunugama buriyani”.

Gamini rejoins

By this time Gamini had decided to rejoin the UNP. But Wijetunga was torn between the wishes of many of his friends who wanted Gamini back and the leaders of the official party machine, particularly Ranil, Choksy and Cooray who wanted to keep him out. But the numbers supporting Gamini were increasing including those in his personal staff whom Ranil kept at a distance. I was meeting the President almost on a daily basis and was able to recommend that he should bring Gamini back to the UNP fold. One evening he told me to bring Gamini to President’s House. But after Gamini got ready together with some DUNF leaders to make the trip, Wijetunga abruptly cancelled his offer and I had the unenviable chore of returning to his house to announce the bad news.

Obviously the President was being pressurized at a very high level. On the following day he changed his mind again and we had a grand event under the patronage of Wijetunga as leader of the UNP. These events were well described by Lasantha Wickrematunge in his political column in the Sunday Times of 30th January 1994, parts of which are reproduced below.

“As was reported in this column last week with Sarath Amunugama, a relative and former Permanent Secretary to Mr. Wijetunga appointed by Mr. Dissanayake to be the negotiating representative for the DUNF, the President on Tuesday January 18th called in UNP General Secretary and Housing Minister Sirisena Cooray to do the honours for the UNP.

The appointment of Dr. Amunugama to negotiate for the DUNF was made by Mr. Dissanayake with the concurrence of the President to ensure the smooth passage of the process underway as he was also ‘very friendly; with the UNP top trio of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Minister Cooray and K. N. Choksy. At the same time Dr. Amunugama also had a rapport with Mr. Cooray having worked closely with him during his days as Mayor when the former was Secretary in charge of Tourism, Information and Broadcasting.

“Dr. Amunugama is also a close buddy of WD Ailapperuma long time Secretary to Mr. Cooray’s Ministry having read sociology at the university together. Thus it was thought Dr. Amunugama would be the ideal negotiator to get the process underway. Eventually on a Presidential directive Dr. Amunugama and Mr. Cooray decided to meet at the Housing Ministry on January 20 to work out the modalities. In fixing the time for the meeting Mr. Cooray was to tell Dr. Amunugama “Don’t worry if I get a bit late, your friend Ailapperuma will be there.”

At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into the Housing Ministry meeting Mr. Cooray was already there with Minister Choksy. The meeting began with the dispelling of any hostility to the re-entry of Mr. Dissanayake with Mr. Cooray going to the extent of saying that though various journals had sought to give the impression the PM, Mr. Choksy and he were against the move there was no truth to it.

“With that out of the way the trio sat down and worked out the modalities namely for the DUNF Provincial Minsters and Chief Minister to hold on to their seats with the help of the UNP. Thereafter the trio also discussed the need for a statement to be issued by Mr. Dissanayake at the point of entry and the outlines of the statement. With the meeting having ended on that cordial note the stage was set for implementation on Sunday January 23.

“In the meantime on January 22 Saturday Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama worked out the draft statement on the basis that reconciliation must be the golden thread that runs through the whole of it. Having done that a copy was sent to Mr. Choksy who also agreed with the contents. The only change was the inclusion of the name Ranil Wickremesinghe after the word Prime Minister which had not been typed in on the draft statement.

“It was in this backdrop that developments on January 23 were to take place. By this time all indications were Mr. Dissanayake would rejoin the UNP on Sunday night prior to which a formal round of talks were scheduled among President Wijetunga, Minister Choksy and Dr. Amunugama. It was at this meeting that certain snags surfaced which threatened the successful conclusion of the talks.

“At the time Dr. Amunugama walked into President’s House at seven pm Mr. Wijetunga was alone having returned from Kandy hours earlier. Soon after Mr. Choksy walked in, the discussion got under way. The question was posed whether it would not be better if the whole process was put off for two to three weeks until the “legal process” by which DUNF members, particularly the Provincial Councilors, could join the UNP was sorted out. While President Wijetunga was contemplating the implications of this suggestion, Dr. Amunugama reacted quickly to ensure the there was no further delay, possibly feeling there could be many a slip between the cup and the lip.

“Accordingly Dr. Amungama said the whole country was expecting the development to take place this week and any delay would only provide ammunition to those waiting to pick holes in the ongoing process. He went on to say that in view of the legal poser Mr. Dissanayake could as DUNF leader join the UNP as a symbolic act and also resign from the Central Provincial Council. That he said in the eyes of the public will be a symbolic merger between the UNP and DUNF and the others would remain outside until the legal problems were sorted out. The President readily agreed to this formula with Minister Choksy too concurring.

“With that problem out of the way, there was another legal poser, that being the position of a person rejoining the party after being sacked. However President Wijetunga was to point out at this stage, he had the authority of the working committee to negotiate with Mr. Dissanayake and arrive at a decision in the best interests of the party and even if further approval was needed it will be a mere formality. On that note the meeting ended. The time now was after 9.00 pm and it was considered too late to go through with the formal ceremony and Mr. Wijetunga inquired from Dr. Amunugama whether it would be alright to do it the following day.

“Thereafter Dr. Amunugama telephoned Mr. Dissanayakes residence where all the DUNF leaders were gathered and inquired whether Monday will be suitable. Mr. Dissanayake for reasons personal preferred Wednesday morning and on this being conveyed to the President he agreed. On that note the meeting ended and Mr Choksy and Dr. Amungama departed. Mr. Choksy later briefed top UNPers of the state of play and Dr Amunugama did likewise having driven to Mr. Dissanayakes residence.

“At the ministerial meeting on Wednesday, President Wijetunga informed the ministers of the ceremony later that morning and obtained unanimous approval for his actions. Soon after the cabinet meeting the President left for his official residence where Mr. Dissanayake and party were expected at 10.15am. Speaker MH Mohamed too called on the President minutes before that and spoke to the leader and went out all smiles. Thereafter Mr. Dissanayake was invited in by the President and the formalities attended to.

“The question of referring the application to the working committee also was overlooked with the President personally handing over the membership card to Mr. Dissanayake thereby enrolling him as a member once again. That done the other members left while the President, Mr. Choksy, Mr. Dissanayake and Dr. Amunugama continued their political dialogue discussing future strategies.”

All these changes were not to Ranil’s liking. In many ways Gamini’s style was the exact opposite of Ranil’s who knew that party opinion would swing to Gamini who was a charismatic leader. As mentioned above his camp first raised technical objections based on the fact that Gamini had been expelled from the party [by Premadasa] and the process of rejoining for those expelled was a long drawn out one. Wijetunga simply ignored this provision and handed over a membership card at our meeting. Ranil then wanted a letter from Gamini expressing his loyalty to the PM. The expectation perhaps was that this demand would be arrogantly rejected by Gamini. But we advised him “to stoop to conquer” and I drafted a reply that could take us out of that well laid trap.

It must be stated that Cooray at this stage welcomed the advent of Gamini which debilitated the anti-Gamini forces and we were able to integrate the majority of DUNF supporters with the UNP under the now benign Wijetunga. The Ranil camp never forgave Cooray for not sabotaging Gamini’s attempt to rejoin the UNP. We then faced the challenge of getting Gamini into Parliament. Every attempt was made by the anti-Gamini forces to ensure that there was no vacancy created by the resignation of a sitting national list member.

At first these national list members were unwilling to resign for love or money. On one occasion Gamini and I spent time in a car in the early hours of the morning to intercept an MP who was not returning his calls even though she entered Parliament as a Gamini loyalist. She was returning home in the early hours of the morning after meeting her boy friend and was not amused to see the two of us at her gate.

After a long and anxious period of bargaining a minority MP was induced to vacate his seat and Wijetunga promptly appointed Gamini to fill that vacancy and added him to his Cabinet as Minister in charge of Mahaweli development.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)



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The silent crisis: A humanitarian plea for Sri Lankan healthcare

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As a clinician whose journey in medicine began from the lecture halls of the Colombo Medical Faculty, in 1965, and then matured through securing the coveted MBBS(Ceylon) degree in 1970, followed by a further kaleidoscopic journey down the specialist corridors, from 1978 onwards, I have witnessed the remarkable evolution of healthcare in Sri Lanka. I have seen the admirable resolve of a nation that managed to offer free healthcare, at the point of delivery, to all its citizens, and I have seen many a battle being fought to bring state-of-the-art treatments for the benefit of sick patients, even despite some of the initial scepticism on the part of some.

However, as we now try to navigate the turbulent waters of 2026, I find myself compelled to speak even impulsively. This is not a mission of fault-finding, or a manifestation of a desire to “ruffle feathers,” for the sake of fanning a fire. Rather, it is a reflection offered in good faith, born from the “Spirit of an Enthusiast” who has seen both the brickbats as well as the accolades bestowed on our profession. My goal is relatively simple: which is to bring to light the silent, sometimes extremely difficult, situations faced by patients, doctors, and relatives, and to urge for a compassionate and collective solution to a crisis that threatens the very foundation of the care we provide.

The Generic Gamble: The Lament of the Ward

The cornerstone of our health service has always been the provision of free medicine to all who come to our state medical facilities. For decades, the “generic-only” policy served as a vital safety net. But, today, that net is fraying, not just at the edges but virtually as a whole. In our hospital wards, the clinician’s heart sinks when a patient fails to respond to a standard course of treatment.

We are increasingly haunted by the fancy terminology, “Quality Failure”, as alerts on medicinal drugs. When an anti-infective medicine lacks the potency to clear an infection, or when a poor-quality generic drug fails to stabilise the circulation of a little gasping child who is fighting for his life, the treating doctor is left in a state of agonising clinical despair. It is a profound lament to realise that while the medicine is “available” on the shelf, its efficacy remains as a question mark. The “free health service” becomes tragically and obstinately expensive when it leads to prolonged hospital stays, complications, or, in the worst cases, even the loss of a life that could have been saved with a more reliable formulation of an essential medicine. We must acknowledge that a cheap drug that does not work is the most expensive drug of all. For the doctor, this turns every prescription into a calculated risk, a far cry from the “best possible care” we were trained to deliver. These situations are certainly not the whims of fancy of a wandering mind, but real-time occurrences in our health service.

The Vanishing Innovators and the Small Market Reality

In the private sector, the situation is equally dire, though the causes are different. We must face a hard truth: Sri Lanka is a comparatively small market in the global pharmaceutical landscape. For the world’s leading manufacturers of proven, branded medicines and vaccines, our island is often a small, rather peripheral, consideration.

When the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) fixes prices at levels that do not even cover the “Cost, Insurance, and Freight” (CIF) value, let alone the massive research and development costs of these innovator drugs, these companies inevitably reach a breaking point. They do not “bail out” through a lack of compassion, but do so even reluctantly sometimes, because they simply cannot sustain their operations at a loss.

Over the last few years, we have watched in silence as reputable international companies have closed their shops and departed our shores. With them have gone some of the vaccines that provided a lifetime of immunity, and the so-called branded drugs that offered predictable, life-saving results. When these “Gold Standards” vanish, the void is often filled by products from regions with lower regulatory oversight, leaving the patient with no choice but to settle for what is available or just what is left.

The Shadow Economy of “Baggage Medicines”

Perhaps the most heartbreaking symptom of this broken system is the rise of the “baggage medicine” market. Walk into any major private hospital today, and you will hear the whispered conversations of relatives trying to source drugs from abroad, in a clandestine manner.

Reputed branded drugs are being brought into the country in the suitcases of international travellers. While these relatives are acting out of pure, desperate love, the medical risks are astronomical. These medicines sometimes bypass the essential “Cold Chain” requirements for temperature-sensitive products like insulin or specialised vaccines. There is no way to verify if the drug in the suitcase is genuinely effective, or if it has been rendered inert by the heat of a cargo hold of an aircraft.

As a physician, it is an agonising dilemma: do I administer a drug brought in a suitcase to save a life, knowing very well that I cannot certify its safety? We are forcing our citizens into a shadow economy of survival, stripped of the protections a modern regulatory body should provide.

The Unavoidable Storm: Geopolitical Shocks

Adding to this internal struggle is the current unrest in the Middle East. As of March 2026, the escalation of conflict has sent shockwaves through global supply chains. With major maritime routes, like the Strait of Hormuz effectively halted and air cargo capacity from Middle Eastern hubs, like Dubai, slashed by over 50%, the cost of transporting medicine has become a moving target.

* Skyrocketing Logistics: Freight surcharges and war-risk insurance premiums have added “unavoidable costs” that simply cannot be absorbed by local importers under a rigid price cap.

* Delayed Transport is delayed healing:

Shipments rerouted around the Cape of Good Hope add weeks to delivery times, leading to stockouts of even the most basic medical consumables.

These are global forces beyond our control, but our regulatory response must be agile enough to recognise them. If we ignore these external costs, we are not just controlling prices; we are ensuring that the medicine never arrives at all.

The Rights of Patients Seeking Private Healthcare

Whatever the reason for patients seeking private healthcare, all of us have an abiding duty to respect their wishes. It is their unquestionable right to have access to drugs and vaccines of proven high quality, if they decide to go into Private Fee-levying Healthcare. This is particularly relevant to the immunisation of children. Sometimes the child receives the first dose of a given vaccine in a Private Hospital, but when he or she is taken for the second dose, that particular vaccine is not available, and they are not able to tell the parents when it would be available as well.

Some of the abiding problems, associated with immunisation of children and adults in the Private Sector, were graphically outlined at the Annual General Meeting of the Vaccines and Infectious Diseases Forum of Sri Lanka, held on the 10th of March, 2026. This needs to be attended to as a significant proportion of vaccines are administered to patients, both children and adults, in the Private Sector.

In other cases, the drug or drugs of proven quality is or are not available in the Private Sector as the company, or importing authority, has wound up the operations in our country due to their inability to sustain the operations, resulting from factors entirely beyond their control. Let us face it, the current pharmaceutical industry is significantly profit-oriented, and they will continue to operate only in countries where their profit margins are quite lucrative.

A Humane Call to All Stakeholders

The current scenario is a shared burden, and it requires a shared, compassionate solution. We must look at this, not through the lens of policy or profit, but through the eyes of the patient waiting in the clinic or in the ward.

* To the Ministry of Health and the NMRA:

We recognise the extremely difficult task of balancing affordability with quality. However, we urge a “Middle Path.” We need a dynamic pricing mechanism that reflects the reality of global trade logistics and the unique challenges of a relatively smaller market. Let us prioritise the restoration of “Quality Assurance” as the primary mandate, ensuring that every generic drug in the state sector is as reliable as the branded ones we have lost. To be able to provide such an abiding certificate of good quality, we need a fully-equipped state-of-the-art laboratory.

* To the Private Sector and Importers:

We ask you to remain committed to the people of Sri Lanka. Your role is not just commercial; it is a vital part of the national health infrastructure. A transparent dialogue with the regulator is essential to prevent more companies from leaving.

* To our Patients and their Families:

We hear your lamentations. We see the struggle in your eyes when a drug is unavailable or when you are forced to seek alternatives from abroad. We respect your right to seek the best possible treatment, and we are advocating for a system that honours that choice legally and safely.

Finally, the Spirit of Care

In the twilight of my career, I look back at my work and the thousands of patients I have treated. The “Spirit of an Enthusiast” is certainly not one of resignation, but of persistent hope. We have the clinical talent and the commitment of our healthcare professionals, we have the history of a strong health service, and we have a populace that deserves the best. For us, in this beautiful land, hope springs eternal.

Let us stop the “baggage medicine” culture. Let us invite the innovators back to our shores by treating them as partners in health, not just as vendors. Let us also ensure that our state-sector generics are beyond reproach.

This is a mission to find a way forward. For the sake of the child in the ward, the elderly patient in the clinic, and the integrity of the medical profession. We desperately need to act now, together, hand in hand, and with a pulsating heart of concern, for the entire humanity we are committed to serve.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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Social and political aspects of Buddhism in a colonial context

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Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala thera

I was recently given several books dealing with religion, and, instead of looking at questions of church union in current times, I turned first to Buddhism in the 19th century. Called Locations of Buddhism: Colonialism and Modernity in Sri Lanka, the book is a study by an American scholar, Anne M Blackburn, about developments in Buddhism during colonial rule. It focuses on the contribution of Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala who was perhaps the most venerated monk in the latter part of the 19th century.

Hikkaduwe, as she calls Ven. Sumangala through the book, is best known as the founder of the Vidyodaya Pirivena, which was elevated to university statues in the fifties of this century, and renamed the University of Sri Jayewardenepura in the seventies. My work in the few years I was there was in the Sumangala Building, though I knew little about the learned monk who gave it its name.

He is also renowned for having participated in the Panadura debates against Christians, and having contributed to the comparative success of the Buddhist cause. It is said that Colonel Olcott came to Sri Lanka after having read a report of one of the debates, and, over the years, Ven. Sumangala collaborated with him, in particular with regard to the development of secondary schools. At the same time, he was wary of Olcott’s gung ho approach, as later he was wary of the Anagarika Dharmapala, who had no fear of rousing controversy, his own approach being moderate and conciliatory.

While he understood the need for a modern education for Buddhist youngsters, which Olcott promoted, free of possible influences to convert which the Christian schools exercised, he was also deeply concerned with preserving traditional learning. Thus, he ensured that in the pirivena subjects such as astrology and medicine were studied with a focus on established indigenous systems. Blackburn’s account of how he leveraged government funding given the prevailing desire to promote oriental studies while emphatically preserving local values and culture is masterly study of a diplomat dedicated to his patriotic concerns.

He was, indeed, a consummately skilled diplomat in that Blackburn shows very clearly how he satisfied the inclinations of the laymen who were able to fund his various initiatives. He managed to work with both laymen and monks of different castes, despite the caste rivalry that could become intense at times. At the same time, he made no bones about his own commitment to the primacy of the Goigama caste, and the exclusiveness of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters.

What I knew nothing at all about was his deep commitment to internationalism, and his efforts to promote collaboration between Ceylon Lanka and the Theravada countries of South East Asia. One reason for this was that he felt the need for an authoritative leader, which Ceylon had lost when its monarchy was abolished by the British. Someone who could moderate disputes amongst monks, as to both doctrine and practice, seemed to him essential in a context in which there were multiple dispute in Ceylon.

Given that Britain got rid of the Burmese monarchy and France emasculated the Cambodian one, with both of which he also maintained contacts, it was Thailand to which he turned, and there are records of close links with both the Thai priesthood and the monarchy. But in the end the Thai King felt there was no point in taking on the British, so that effort did not succeed.

That the Thai King, the famous Chulalongkorn, did not respond positively to the pleas from Ceylon may well have been because of his desire not to tread on British toes, at a time when Thailand preserved its independence, the only country in Asia to do so without overwhelming British interventions, as happened for instance in Nepal and Afghanistan, which also preserved their own monarchies. But it could also have been connected with the snub he was subject to when he visited the Temple of the Tooth, and was not permitted to touch the Tooth Relic, which he knew had been permitted to others.

The casket was taken away when he leaned towards it by the nobleman in charge, a Panabokke, who was not the Diyawadana Nilame of the day. He may have been entrusted with dealing with the King, as a tough customer. Blackburn suggests it is possible the snub was carefully thought out, since the Kandyan nobility had no fondness for the low country intercourse with foreign royalty, which seemed designed to take away from their own primacy with regard to Buddhism. The fact that they continued subservient to the British was of no consequence to them, since they had a façade of authority.

The detailed account of this disappointment should not, however, take away from Ven. Sumangala’s achievement, and his primacy in the country following his being chosen as the Chief Priest for Adam’s Peak, at the age of 37, which placed him in every sense at the pinnacle of Buddhism in Ceylon. Blackburn makes very clear the enormous respect in which he was held, partly arising from his efforts to order ancient documents pertaining to the rules for the Sangha, and ensure they were followed, and makes clear his dominant position for several decades, and that it was well deserved.

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

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Achievements of the Hunduwa!

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Attempting to bask in the glory of the past serves no purpose, some may argue supporting the contention of modern educationists who are advocating against the compulsory teaching of history to our youth. Even the history they want to teach, apparently, is more to do with the formation of the earth than the achievements of our ancestors! Ruminating over the thought-provoking editorial “From ‘Granary of the East’ to a mere hunduwa” (The Island, 5th March), I wished I was taught more of our history in my schooldays. In fact, I have been spending most of my spare time watching, on YouTube, the excellent series “Unlimited History”, conducted by Nuwan Jude Liyanage, wherein Prof. Raj Somadeva challenges some of the long-held beliefs, based on archaeological findings, whilst emphasising on the great achievements of the past.

Surely, this little drop in the Indian ocean performed well beyond its size to have gained international recognition way back in history. Pliny the Elder, the first-century Roman historian, therefore, represented Ceylon larger than it is, in his map of the world. Clicking on (https://awmc.unc.edu/2025/02/10/interactive-map-the-geography-of-pliny-the-elder/) “Interactive Map: The Geography of Pliny the Elder” in the website of the Ancient World Mapping Centre at the University of North Carolina at Chappel Hill, this is the reference to Anuradhapura, our first capital:

“The ancient capital of Sri Lanka from the fourth century BCE to the 11th century CE. It was recorded under the name Anourogrammon by Ptolemy, who notes its primary political status (Basileion). It has sometimes been argued that a “Palaesimundum” mentioned by Pliny in retelling the story of a Sri Lankan Embassy to the emperor Claudius is also to be identified with Anourogrammon. A large number of numismatic finds from many periods have been reported in the vicinity.”

Ptolemy, referred to above, is the mathematician and astronomer of Greek descent born in Alexandria, Egypt, around 100 CE, who was well known for his geocentric model of the universe, till it was disproved 15 centuries later, by Copernicus with his heliocentric model.

It is no surprise that Anuradhapura deservedly got early international recognition as Ruwanwelisaya, built by King Dutugemunu in 140 BCE, was the seventh tallest building in the ancient world, perhaps, being second only to the Great Pyramids of Giza, at the time of construction. It was overtaken by Jetawanaramaya, built by King Mahasena around 301 CE, which became the third tallest building in the ancient world and still holds the record for the largest Stupa ever built, rising to a height of 400 feet and made using 93.3 million baked mud bricks. Justin Calderon, writing for CNN travel under the heading “The massive megastructure built for eternity and still standing 1,700 years later” (https://edition.cnn.com/travel/jetavanaramaya-sri-lanka-megastructure-anuradhapura) concludes his very informative piece as follows:

“Jetavanaramaya stands today as evidence of an ancient society capable of organising labour, materials and engineering knowledge on a scale that rivalled any civilisation of its time.

That it remains relatively unknown beyond Sri Lanka may be one of history’s great oversights — a reminder that some of the ancient world’s most extraordinary achievements were not carved in stone, but shaped from earth, devotion and human ingenuity.”

Extraordinary achievements of our ancestors are not limited to Stupas alone. As mentioned in the said editorial, our country was once the Granary of the East though our present leader equated it to the smallest measure of rice! Our canal systems with the gradient of an inch over a mile stand testimony to engineering ingenuity of our ancestors. When modern engineers designed the sluice gate of Maduru Oya, they were pleasantly surprised to find the ancient sluice gates designed by our ancestors, without all their technical knowhow, in the identical spot.

Coming to modern times, though we vilify J. R. Jayewardene for some of his misdeeds later in his political career, he should be credited with changing world history with his famous speech advocating non-violence and forgiveness, quoting the words of the Buddha, at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. Japan is eternally grateful for the part JR played in readmitting Japan to the international community, gifting Rupavahini and Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital. Although we have forgotten the good JR did, there is a red marble monument in the gardens of the Great Buddha (Daibutsu) in Kamakura, Japan with Buddha’s words and JR’s signature.

It cannot be forgotten that we are the only country in the world that was able to comprehensively defeat a terrorist group, which many experts opined were invincible. Services rendered by the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda and Gotabaya, should be honoured though they are much reviled now, for their subsequent political misdeeds. Though Gen-Z and the following obviously have no recollections, it is still fresh in the minds of the older generation the trauma we went through.

It is to the credit of the democratic process we uphold, that the other terrorist group that heaped so much of misery on the populace and did immense damage to the infrastructure, is today in government.

As mentioned in the editorial, it is because Lee Kuan Yew did not have a ‘hundu’ mentality that Singapore is what it is today. He once famously said that he wanted to make a Ceylon out of Singapore!

Let our children learn the glories of our past and be proud to be Sri Lankan. Then only they can become productive citizens who work towards a better future. Resilience is in our genes and let us facilitate our youth to be confident, so that they may prove our politicians wrong; ours may be a small country but we are not ‘hundu’!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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