Features
MR’s Second Term (2009-2015) and tension between Mahinda and Sarath Fonseka
By the end of his first term as President MR was riding high. He was rightly credited with ensuring a comprehensive victory over the LTTE and its terrorist network which his predecessors thought was an impossible task. MR and his brother Gotabaya had ensured the smooth working of our armed forces which were earlier manned mostly by “spit and polish” leaders who followed the tactics they had learnt in Sandhurst. They were outwitted by the home grown “officers” of the LTTE who knew their fighting terrain like the back of their hands.
LTTE officers fought side by side their barefoot soldiers while our “arm chair generals” were famous for their boasts in the safety of the mess hall. Many were the times when camp commanders were holidaying in Colombo when LTTE fighters attacked their strategically located camps. Their losses and retreats not only demoralized our foot soldiers but also emboldened the LTTE to openly express their contempt for our military leadership.
I was present when some of our generals argued with successive Presidents that this war could not be won and a negotiated settlement was imperative. Some Presidents lived in fear that the army instead of fighting the LTTE would attempt to grab power and end their rule. They were suspicious of strong leaders and preferred to install weaklings who were either relatives or family friends. We shall describe how later even MR eventually fell a victim to that paranoia with tragic consequences both for himself and the country.
The turning point of the war came with the appointment of Sarath Fonseka as the Army Commander. He came from the Sinha regiment in which my brother Asoka was a Major-General. At my brothers urging I spoke up for Sarath with CBK to no avail. Fortunately when GR became the Defence Secretary he was able to convince his brother to appoint SF who was on the verge of retirement as the army chief. From then on till the end of the var the “troika” of MR, GR and SF conducted the war from the top with mutual understanding.
The tendency of the Rajapaksa brothers to freely delegate decision making to others in the hierarchy was used well in this instance to remove the cobwebs from our old orders of battle. I have referred earlier to the change in tactics from putting large numbers of battalions on a broad front to small units of eight which could penetrate the LTTE and hit and run back to their regiment. This change was quite successful and the morale of the frontline soldiers improved.
They were also aware that there would be no mercy from their chief if the assault was unsuccessful. As the soldier’s grapevine observed “There was Johnny [land mines] in front and Fonny (the Army Chief) behind”. There was no possibility of shirking. SF, with GR’s support, built up a cadre of new commanders who, though they did not come from “posh” schools and social backgrounds were dedicated and patriotic fighters. Among them were Jagath Dias, Chagi Gallage, Shavendra Silva, Kamal Gunaratne, Nanda Mallawaartchi, Daya Ratnayake, Chandrasiri, Ravipriya, and several others who led from the front and were constantly monitored by SF. A strong fighting machine was created by him.
We referred earlier to MR’st impeccable strategy in countering the various groups who were hell bent on exfiltrating Prabhakaran and the top leadership from the Pudumathalan quadrant. They all had their own agendas and were frustrated when they could not change the stance of the MR government that nothing short of a total surrender could be contemplated. Many of the interlocutors, including the UN’s Satish Nambiar, proposed that the LTTE leaders could either be airlifted to a waiting warship or be asked to come out with a white flag denoting surrender.
It was this suggestion that led to a later talk about a white flag of a group of LTTE middle rankers who were killed while attempting to flee. The senior LTTE leaders like Prabhakaran, Pottu Amman and Soosai did not want to surrender notwithstanding the assurances of their supporters. They attempted to break free from the military cordon and reach the power boats that had been made ready to take them out to sea and safety. However they were cut down by the soldiers of the Gajaba regiment under Shavendra Silva. Karuna Amman was flown to Mullaitivu to identify the corpse of Prabhakaran who was cremated in a secret place to prevent later commemorations and glorification.
MR – a national hero
The end of Prabhakaran and the top leadership of the LTTE was celebrated throughout the south. The MR-GR-SF combination that had delivered a victory that many had thought impossible became instant national heroes as were the other heads of the armed services. Politicians of the PA also basked in this glory while the JVP and Hela Urumaya stated that they had been right all along when they pressed MR to continue fighting and not enter into negotiations with the LTTE.
In Parliament many of the Tamil MPs who were constantly subjected to death threats from the LTTE confided in us that they were now relieved that they could continue with their democratic politics. Till then their lives hung on a thread. All their senior leaders, save Sampanthan, had been brutally assassinated by the LTTE.
In the final days of the war MR was advised to leave the country so that he would not be pressurized to intervene. There was intensive campaigning, particularly by the Ambassadors of western nations, to halt the offensive in Mullaitivu. Western media also backed these initiatives and ran horror stories from the “quadrant” about intensive bombing. We now know that the LTTE media managers contacted Marie Colvin, the well known UK war correspondent, to write about their complaints in the western press. She had been cultivated by the LTTE when she spent time in the North reporting on the war. Later she was killed in the Middle East when her shelter was bombed by western aircraft.
As soon as the war was over MR who had been in Jordan returned to a hero’s welcome at Katunayake. Always a showman he came down the airline steps and fell on the ground to “kiss the motherland” in full view of the TV cameras. A seven tiered cake was cut by him, GR and the service chiefs at Temple Trees to celebrate the victory. MR graciously asked SF to be the first to cut the cake. But unknown to their countrymen who were celebrating with national flag waving and cooking “kiribath”, trouble was brewing among the leading “dramatis personae”.
Poor GR was caught in the middle of an incoming fiasco. As usual GR could not act in a situation in which big brother called the shots, be it right or wrong. The Rajapaksa family was beginning to interfere in public decision making and the post war scenario began to take an unanticipated turn. The massive support extended by the people to MR was being misinterpreted as a family victory by interested parties who were now taking centre stage with gay abandon.
MR vs SF
While MR provided political cover and dutifully followed the recommendations of the Security Chiefs during the war, in peacetime he became wary of the popularity of the army and its commander Sarath Fonseka. At first he tried to woo military chiefs in a manner that he had perfected for local politicians. All the armed forces chiefs were given perks like blocks of land in Colombo and bank loans to build their houses. MR and his wife Shiranthi befriended and hosted the wives of the service commanders.
Once when we were on an official visit to China Mahinda brought along his wife and all the wives of the military top brass on government account. We all had a memorable visit to the old forbidden city in Beijing. The Chinese government spared no effort to please this delegation. On one occasion when the ladies complained that they did not have enough time for shopping in an upmarket shop well known for pearls, Chinese officials kept it open late in to the night.
But this public relations campaign of the Rajapaksas did not succeed because SF was now determined to create a new army in his image. As a first sign of this transformation he wanted to stage a grand victory parade where the fighting units would be brought down to Colombo to be honoured by the nation. Such parades have been held in other countries. For instance after the end of the Second World War a massive parade of the victorious allies was held in bombed out Berlin, mostly to intimidate the remaining supporters of the Third Reich.
At the same time SF wanted to increase the numbers of soldiers in the army on the grounds that we had to be prepared to counter Indian military interventions. Naturally this sent shivers down MR’s spine. If over 40 years of political infighting had taught MR anything it was “uneasy lies the head that wears the crown”. Like Shakespeare’s Richard the Third he had ruthlessly fought his way to the top of the political heap. All his well honed political instincts told him that SF would eventually challenge him and that his blandishments and gift giving would not succeed.
It was aggravated by the gossiping and tale carrying among our political classes. Once I was surprised to see a middle level army officer in uniform hanging around MR. When I inquired about him I was told that he was a close relative. Such breach of protocol must have irked SF who is a stickler for discipline. It soon became clear that a drama of Shakespearian proportions was in the making.
At first MR acted cautiously. He created the post of Chief of Defence Staff [CDS] following the US and Indian precedents and elevated SF to that position. Chandraprema who wrote from the Rajapaksa perspective says, “As the tensions between Fonseka and the government worsened, Gota had telephoned Lalith Weeratunga and told him that there was a move to have Major General Jagath Jayasuriya arrested. By this time, the government had become intensely suspicious of Fonseka and deemed it necessary to remove him from the position of Army Commander. The following morning Fonseka was appointed CDS, and Jagath Jayasuriya was made army commander, Karannagoda was made advisor to the President and Chandrasiri [Fonseka’s chosen successor] was sworn in as the Governor of Northern province”.
As Minister of Finance MR vetoed the proposal to increase the intake of the army on the sensible grounds that usually there is demobilization after a war. In any case the economic situation did not permit such an outlay. Similarly MR refused to buy a consignment of Chinese weaponry ordered by SF since the war was over and savings on the defence budget was mandatory. The decision not to expand the military was resented by SF because it was a way of depriving him of the post of Field Marshal that he greatly coveted.
On the other hand MR, the consummate politician, was aiming to capitalize on his unprecedented popularity by calling for an early election to be held in April 2010. In preparation for this eventuality a massive conference hall was built within the premises of Temple Trees where delegates from the different professions and various parts of the countryside were brought to be told about the progress made during MR’s first term and be treated to a sumptuous meal. I was invited to be a regular speaker at the meetings for professionals. In fact I became a lead speaker at MR’s first re-election rally held in Kurunegala.
The army reverted to its ceremonial role and provided a popular backstop to the many open air meetings that MR organized to celebrate victory over the LTTE. After SF was sidelined Jagath Jayasuriya, an old Royalist and an officer of the old school, who was widely believed to have been a relative of the President, held the fort without a massive outcry. A disgruntled SF was then wooed by the Opposition which realized that a politician had no chance in challenging MR. A new face had to be brought onto the arena and SF was the natural choice. Only he had the rage and the courage to take up the challenge and accept the poisoned apple offered to him by the Opposition.
GR on the other hand could not escape the orbit of his brother and family. He made use of his management skills and access to the manpower of the army to engage in spectacularly improving public works, particularly in the big cities. He thereby earned a reputation as a hard working, honest and efficient Secretary which added to his brother’s appeal to the country. Both he and SF developed into competent Sinhala orators with the latter often using salty language he was famous for as Army Commander.
(The Sarath Amunugama autobiography is available at the Vijitha Yapa Bookshop)
(Excerpted from volume 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)
Features
Will new UGC Circular 06/2026 strengthen or weaken open and distance learning in Sri Lanka?
Balancing Quality Assurance with Educational Access
Sri Lanka’s higher education system has long sought to balance two equally important national objectives: maintaining academic quality while expanding access to university education. Open and Distance Learning (ODL) has been one of the country’s most successful mechanisms for achieving this balance, particularly for working adults, teachers, government officers, rural communities, and thousands of students who were unable to enter conventional degree programmes. In addition to undergraduate and postgraduate degrees, sub-degree qualifications such as Certificate, Diploma, and Higher Diploma programmes have gained remarkable momentum over the past two decades. These programmes have become increasingly popular by providing flexible, affordable, and employment-oriented learning opportunities for school leavers, working professionals, and aspiring entrepreneurs.
With the introduction of the new UGC regulatory framework, these sub-degree programmes also come under a more comprehensive system of oversight. Strengthening quality assurance and protecting academic standards are legitimate policy objectives that can enhance the credibility and recognition of university qualifications. However, the expansion of centralised regulation also raises important questions regarding institutional autonomy, flexibility, and the future growth of Open and Distance Learning.
Globally, higher education is increasingly moving towards greater institutional autonomy, decentralised decision-making, flexible programme delivery, and innovation supported by robust quality assurance mechanisms. Sri Lanka, however, appears to be adopting a more centralised regulatory approach. While greater oversight may improve accountability and consistency, excessive centralization risks reducing institutional flexibility, slowing innovation, increasing administrative burdens, and limiting the ability of universities to respond quickly to emerging educational and labour market needs. The challenge, therefore, is not whether regulation is necessary, but whether it achieves an appropriate balance between ensuring quality and preserving the autonomy and adaptability that have been central to the success of Open and Distance Learning.
Greatest Concern
The greatest concern is whether the new regulatory framework may unintentionally reduce access to higher education, particularly in regional universities that have historically served disadvantaged communities. Universities such as Sabaragamuwa, Uva Wellassa, Rajarata, Wayamba, South Eastern, Eastern and several others were established not only to decentralize higher education but also to stimulate regional development. Their external degree and distance learning programmes have become an important bridge connecting universities with rural populations.
These programmes have enabled thousands of school teachers, public servants, private-sector employees, farmers, entrepreneurs, and young adults from economically disadvantaged families to obtain university qualifications without relocating to major cities. For many families, Open and Distance Learning is not simply another educational option, but also it is the only realistic pathway to higher education.
The sustainability of many Open and Distance Learning (ODL) programmes has faced challenges for several years. Some programmes have struggled to demonstrate strong labour market outcomes, particularly where curricula have not evolved in line with changing industry needs. However, this is only part of the picture. In many disciplines, especially agriculture, agribusiness, community development, media and vocationally oriented fields, diploma and certificate holders have become successful entrepreneurs, agricultural extension workers, and local development leaders. Therefore, the value of external education should not be assessed solely by graduate employment statistics but also by its contribution to entrepreneurship, lifelong learning, rural development, and community empowerment.
Less Discussed Challenge
Another, less discussed challenge is the institutional attitude towards external education. Over the years, Open and Distance Learning programmes have sometimes faced resistance from sections of the university community, including internal student groups, some academics, administrators, and policymakers. Concerns over resource allocation, workload, infrastructure, and institutional priorities have occasionally created tensions between internal and external programmes. Rather than viewing these programmes as complementary components of a university’s mission, they have sometimes been perceived as competing for limited resources. Such perspectives can discourage collaboration and prevent universities from making the most effective use of shared academic expertise, facilities, and infrastructure. As publicly funded institutions, universities have a responsibility to maximise the use of their academic resources for the benefit of society. The challenge is not to choose between internal and external education, but to develop policies that promote equitable resource sharing, mutual respect, and efficient utilization of facilities while maintaining high academic standards for all learners.
Academic staff engaged in Open and Distance Learning (ODL) programmes frequently receive relatively modest remuneration considering the substantial additional responsibilities involved, including course design, online and face-to-face teaching, travel, student mentoring, assessment, and quality assurance activities. In recent years, higher personal income tax rates on additional earnings have further reduced the financial attractiveness of external teaching for many academics. Consequently, some experienced lecturers are becoming increasingly reluctant to participate in ODL programmes, creating a growing challenge for universities in recruiting and retaining qualified teaching staff. If this trend continues without appropriate policy interventions, it may adversely affect the long-term sustainability, quality, and expansion of external education.
There are also concerns that the implementation of the new UGC circular with its additional regulatory requirements and financial ceilings on programme operations and staff remuneration, where applicable may further reduce institutional flexibility and academic participation. If these concerns are not carefully addressed through consultation and periodic policy review, the combined effects of increasing regulatory constraints, financial disincentives, and declining academic participation could undermine the future growth and sustainability of Sri Lanka’s Open and Distance Learning sector. At the same time, programme operating costs have increased substantially due to inflation, technology investments, administrative expenses, and taxation. Consequently, tuition fees have risen, making university education increasingly difficult for lower-income students.
If additional regulatory requirements significantly increase administrative complexity or operating costs without corresponding institutional support, there is a legitimate concern that some programmes may become financially unsustainable. The result could be a gradual reduction in course offerings, fewer academic staff willing to participate, declining student enrolments, and ultimately the closure of programmes that have served rural Sri Lanka for decades. Such an outcome would conflict with one of the fundamental purposes of public universities that to expand educational opportunities beyond urban centres. Quality assurance should never be compromised. Students deserve programmes with qualified academic staff, robust assessment systems, modern learning technologies, and effective student support services. Public confidence in university qualifications depends upon maintaining high academic standards. Nevertheless, quality assurance should function as an enabling framework rather than becoming an administrative barrier. Policies should encourage innovation, flexibility, and accessibility while ensuring accountability. The challenge is therefore not whether regulation is necessary, it certainly is, but whether regulation has been designed with sufficient consideration of institutional diversity. Regional universities operate under financial and human resource constraints that differ considerably from those of larger metropolitan institutions. A uniform regulatory framework may therefore produce unequal consequences across the university system.
Broader socioeconomic impact
Another important consideration is the broader socioeconomic impact. Open and Distance Learning contributes not only to education but also to local economies. Regional study centres create employment opportunities, stimulate local businesses, generate demand for accommodation and transport, and support digital infrastructure development. More importantly, they allow educated professionals to remain within their communities while upgrading their qualifications. In an era where governments emphasize lifelong learning, digital education, workforce reskilling, and inclusive development, policies should strengthen but not unintentionally weaken the national Open and Distance Learning ecosystem.
The University Grants Commission should therefore consider establishing a comprehensive consultative review involving universities, academic staff, students, employers, quality assurance experts, and regional stakeholders before full implementation of major regulatory reforms. Such a review could identify practical adjustments that preserve academic quality while ensuring that regulations remain realistic, affordable, and supportive of institutional sustainability.
Higher education policy should not only regulate universities; it should also empower them to fulfil their national mission. Sri Lanka cannot afford to reduce educational opportunities for those who have the fewest alternatives. For thousands of working adults and rural students, Open and Distance Learning represents hope, opportunity, and social mobility. Any reform affecting that opportunity deserves careful consultation, thoughtful implementation, and continuous evaluation.
The ultimate objective should be clear: to improve quality without sacrificing accessibility, to strengthen accountability without reducing opportunity, and to ensure that Sri Lanka’s universities remain engines of inclusive national development rather than becoming institutions accessible only to those who can afford conventional education.
Disclaimer:
The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author, presented to encourage constructive discussion on higher education policy reforms, and do not necessarily reflect the views or positions of any institution or organization with which the author is affiliated.
About the Writer:
Prof. M. P. S. Magamage is a senior academic at the Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka and a distinguished scholar with extensive international experience. He is a Fulbright Scholar, Indian Science Research Fellow, and Australian Endeavour Fellow, and has served as a Visiting Professor at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln, USA. Beyond his academic achievements, Prof. Magamage has played significant roles in national policy and disaster-related governance, higher education policy development. He can be contacted at magamage@agri.sab.ac.lk.
by Prof. M. P. S. Magamage
Features
Appleby Plays Chicken
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 11
After the horrors of modernity and the absurdity of murder in the midst of the preposterous Ballet Stroganoff, I turn to more orthodox crime fiction. It fits into the tradition of the golden age of crime fiction, though it was not published between the wars, but rather in the fifties.
It was a quintessential Oxford book, written by Michael Innes, the pseudonym of the Christ Church English don J I M Stewart. I read it in a quintessentially Oxford setting, the Chalet in the French Alps where in the seventies I had been to several reading parties.
I was not really a Chalet type, for most of the others from the College were from British public schools, blond and athletic, though the patron as we called the Senior Tutor who ran our parties did ask exceptions to add to the mix, such as my fellow classicist Reggie Oliver now well known for collections of horror stories. But they too walked, whereas after my first effort, up the hill to the restaurant hotel which supplied our wine, I said firmly I would not walk again.
So, I would sit in the chalet and read, for it had a wonderful collection of books, dating from the previous century when it had been founded by a famous Balliol don. And last year, when I was asked if I would like to join a party for former Chaletites, I found after I had staggered down to the place from the hotel – now only a restaurant – that it would be best not even to try that short walk until the time came to leave.
I had five days of tranquil bliss, marvelling at the two other older men who did walk, but quite content with my books. And having reread a book I had loved half a century earlier, I turned to thrillers of which there was a great collection.
I had enjoyed the few Innes books I had read previously, but this one was new, and apt for it began with a reading party. Appleby Plays Chicken (also known as Death on a Quiet Day) features his favourite detective, Police Commissioner Sir John Appleby. The party was not in the Alps but in a quiet English village, and begins with a game of chicken involving fast driving, which leads the thoughtful undergraduate who sensibly chickened out going for a long walk the following day. During the walk, he comes across a dead body, and realizes that the murderer must be the man he sees walking away on the other side. But he comes up and seems to be helping the boy with the investigation, when he suddenly pulls a gun.
That leads to a long chase over the moors, with other sinister figures popping up, though the last one turns out to be Appleby, who had noticed blood on the shoe of the boy who had been put into an ambulance. Finding himself in a police station, the boy relates what happened, and the two of them go back to the tor, only to find another dead body there. But this belongs to someone else, in fact the man who had appeared on top and pulled out a pistol. And his murderer is on another hill nearby and nearly knocks off Appleby.
He gets away, despite the police cordon Appleby had summoned, and the story moves to the hotel and two strange people there, a man who the students think is a clergyman, and a military man whom Appleby says is a blackmailer. Then a message comes to the don in charge of the party, that his brother, a landowner in the neighbourhood, was missing, presumed drowned.
Meanwhile the supposed clergyman is waiting for his daughter, who it seems was the young lady in a car which seemed to offer refuge to the fugitive boy, but when he next came across it his pursuers had taken it over. A telegram comes from her to say she was staying over with her friends, but the boys realize that it had come from nearby, and they hare off in pursuit.
Appleby and the don and the clergyman and the military man go to the house of the drowned brother and then follow the youngsters to a tower where they believe the girl is being kept. Appleby tells the original young man to
go first, and then the others follow, to find the girl and the clergyman and the military man all together there, which leads to a dramatic conclusion, in which the villain falls to his death and the don follows in trying to save him.
It turns out that this is a spy story too, the brother having been blackmailed by the man who killed him when he burnt on the tor the papers that were wanted. Then the mastermind killed the blackmailer, and the don, coming across the bodies, decided that his brother had to disappear, in a bog, to avoid disgrace. He then took his clothes to the shore by his house so that he could be presumed drowned.
And the girl was an accomplice, while the clergyman was the mastermind, which became clear when he fell into the trap of writing a blackmailing letter on the military man’s typewriter. But this was after Appleby had damaged it slightly so the fact that it was typed in the latter’s absence could be identified.
All very complex, and eccentric as Innes is wont to be, but wonderfully exciting, if quite different from the reading parties I was familiar with.
Features
The Dark Side of Meritocracy
During the colonial era, Sri Lanka had a stronger economy than Singapore. Over the past seven decades, however, the two countries have followed sharply different paths. Singapore’s rise as a global economic hub is often attributed to three core principles: meritocracy, pragmatism, and honesty.
Critics argue that Sri Lanka’s problems reflect a failure to uphold these principles, a point that needs little proof, as we have seen it all firsthand. Today, there is renewed interest in restoring these values to governance, especially pragmatism and honesty, both of which Sri Lanka urgently needs. Meritocracy, however, is not that simple: the ways merit is assessed and acquired can undermine the very purpose meritocracy is meant to serve. While Sri Lanka must embrace meritocracy, we must take measures to prevent it from drifting into the dark side.
Meritocracy is commonly defined as a social, political, or economic system in which people are chosen for positions based on ability, talent, and effort, collectively called merits, rather than wealth, class, or inherited privilege.
Sri Lanka has a deep-rooted culture that not only tolerates but often venerates inherited privileges such as nepotism—advancement based on family ties or close personal connections; patronage—rewards and positions given in exchange for loyalty or political support; cronyism—favours given to friends or allies, especially in business or politics; aristocracy—power based on inherited status, class, or birth; and oligarchy—power held by a small, privileged group. These are legacies of a long history of monarchy, colonialism, and feudalism. Furthermore, social divisions based on religion, ethnicity, and caste add to the complexity. Our culture has a way of resigning itself to these social injustices by attributing them to fate or bad karma.
These deep-rooted practices have all but replaced meritocracy, causing immense damage to the country’s economy and social fabric. Therefore, adhering to meritocracy seems the obvious thing to do, but there are two unseen problems lurking beneath. First, an individual’s ability to earn merits depends on many factors, and the opportunities for earning merits are not equally available to all, a legacy of our past unjust practices. For those who have less or no opportunities to earn merits, the competition is over even before it begins.
Merit not a single universal quality
Second, “merit” is not a single universal quality. It varies with the job or position. A pilot, teacher, farmer, judge, engineer, and political leader each require different forms of ability, judgment, discipline, and responsibility. Therefore, merit must be assessed according to the demands of the role, not merely by the results of a standard test or formal qualifications, as practiced today. If we practice meritocracy under the present conditions, we will not get the expected outcome: meritocracy. Ironically, a cyclical process.
Therefore, adhering to meritocracy while ignoring the conditions that rob the opportunities to gain merits will only perpetuate unjust and outdated systems under the pretext of fair and progressive reform. Merit is a wonderful way to choose a pilot, but a terrible way to decide who deserves a dignified life.
This is a complex issue, and Sri Lanka has tried to address it in many ways in the past, with questionable, if not disastrous, results. The key point of this analysis is that our definition of merit is narrow and misleading. “Merit” is rarely an objective, universal metric. What one organisation values as merit may differ drastically from another. Our system equates merits or skills with the ability to perform on tests, starting from Grade five through final examinations at university. That is a problem as it does not measure the ability to do a job successfully.
Standard tests measure convergent thinking, that is, finding the single correct answer to a problem, but they completely miss identifying divergent thinking, which involves generating novel, creative solutions where no single answer exists. In other words, it is the ability to be “street smart” when confronted with real life problems that counts. Not the ability to cross the box in a test paper. Convergent thinking can be quantified; that is what test scores provide, and that has become the standard currency of merit in our society. On the other hand, there is no test to quantify the divergent thinking ability needed to solve complex problems on the ground. It is that skill we need to identify and nurture if we are to succeed economically and socially as a country.
The sunset example
A few terms used in relation to this subject need clarification: in the first scenario presented in the illustration, only the person standing on the highest ground can enjoy the sunset. The fence, which may have been erected for safety or as a boundary, blocks the view of the two people on lower ground. This is inequality. If the height of the fence were lowered enough for all three people to see the sunset, as in the second scenario, that would represent formal equality: treating everyone the same, regardless of where they stand. It seems fair, but it has drawbacks.
First, when the fence is lowered, the original purpose of the fence may be compromised or lost. If the fence were built for safety, someone on higher ground could trip and fall over the cliff on the other side. Second, the person on higher ground could still see the sunset for longer than the others. For example, if one person’s position is one foot higher than another’s, he or she could see the sunset about 4.2 seconds longer; if the difference is 1,000 feet, the sunset lasts about 2 minutes and 13 seconds longer. In other words, the person on higher ground still has an inbuilt advantage. This is true in real life as well. In the third scenario, the fence is lowered proportionally. There is an appearance of equality, but the longer sunset enjoyed from higher ground has not been addressed. In the fourth scenario, conditions have been equalized in a more justifiable way.
That is the theory. British sociologist Michael Young is credited with coining the term meritocracy in his 1958 satirical book The Rise of the Meritocracy. He warned that a pure meritocracy could create a permanent, arrogant ruling elite whose members believed they owed all their success solely to their own efforts, while making the lower classes feel entirely responsible for their poverty. Scholars across the developed world are raising concerns about the outcome of true meritocracies, including in our model country, Singapore (Ong Ye Kung, 2018).
Permanent arrogant ruling elite?
Create a permanent, arrogant ruling elite? That is a dire warning we cannot ignore. Such a condition can create new divisions, disrupt national unity, and damage economic development. Sri Lanka has experienced enough of it: two youth uprisings, a civil war, ongoing social tensions, and a failed economy. Let us be clear, deep down, the root cause of these conflicts is the lack of equal opportunities to participate in the country’s economy and earn a decent living. Those with ulterior motives may give different meaning, but that is the reality. We cannot afford repetitions.
Tests that measure convergent thinking ability by asking how quickly one can find the single correct answer to a carefully structured problem. The test taker’s ability to answer such questions does not depend on education alone, but it also depends on family status and support, social background, nutrition, safety, and access to networking. In some cases, geography, disability, caste, ethnicity, religion, and political influence also come into play. Unequal opportunities create unequal merit. Therefore, a purely meritocratic system can appear fair while still rewarding advantages accumulated long before competition begins. When there are so many factors in play, equalising all of them, creating a just environment, let alone the most crucial factor, education, can be a herculean task.
The better alternative is to use a measure of divergent thinking ability, but that presents several problems. Divergent thinking is the thought process used to generate creative ideas by exploring many workable solutions. Instead of looking for a single, correct answer, which is convergent thinking, divergent thinking expands outward in multiple, non-linear directions. It is often spontaneous, free-flowing, and associated with “thinking outside the box.” Convergent thinking ability peaks during early adulthood and diminishes with age, whereas divergent thinking ability increases throughout life. Experience counts. Therefore, to assess divergent thinking ability, it is necessary to observe an individual’s performance while he or she is facing real-life problems over a longer period than what it takes to do a standard test.
Reasons for reassessing the push
Sri Lanka has other reasons for reassessing the push to establish a conventional meritocracy. According to available data, one-fifth of Sri Lanka’s labour force is employed in the public sector, while the rest is divided between the private sector and informal employment in a two-to-three ratio. This means that more than 60% of the labour force consists of small-scale, unregistered family units, subsistence farmers, street vendors, three-wheel drivers, daily-wage laborers, and independent tradespeople such as plumbers, carpenters, and masons. In addition, it is estimated that about 8.6 to 9.2 million Sri Lankans who can work are not actively looking for employment; more than 71% of them are female.
Promised Justice
The promised “justice” of meritocracy does not reach them. For example, the country had been self-sufficient in rice on many occasions, but rice farmers remain trapped in a cycle of enduring poverty with little hope of escape. Sri Lanka’s Inequality Index increased from 37.7 in 2019 to 39.8, reflecting the disproportionate burden on the informal labour force, even though Sri Lanka was declared an Upper-Middle-Income country by the same monitoring organization. Our system does not provide the opportunity for all citizens to participate in the economy, and that is a major hindrance to economic development.
Success and justice require assessing both the convergent and divergent thinking abilities of an individual as an entry requirement as well as during their performance in the position. The private sector practices this, but the current public sector system fails on both counts. The perils of selecting or electing people who are not qualified to do the job do not need explanation. Sadly, that has been Sri Lanka’s legacy. In addition, the current system fails to assess the job performance of elected or selected people and hold them accountable. Public sector jobs are for life. Pay increases and promotions are predetermined and, unlike in the private sector, are not based on performance or productivity.
This is the fundamental reason for needing education reforms. Our education system was first designed to provide clerical support to colonial administrators. Conditions have changed, but the system remains stubbornly unchanged. The education system is not designed to meet the country’s needs. On one hand, it has created a shortage of qualified people to provide essential services. On the other hand, brain drain fulfills the needs of affluent countries at the expense of hard-earned taxpayer money.
University graudates
In this system, higher education has been enlisted in defining merit and conferring the credentials that a market meritocracy rewards, while distorting the mission of higher education. Many university graduates end up in teaching positions when they have no teaching experience. The same applies to university teachers as well. This writer has seen his share of university teachers who would not have tenure if their students were allowed to grade their performance, as happens in most Western countries.
The lack of a system to evaluate employee performance, particularly in the public sector, is a serious error. In the current system, this is the only opportunity to assess divergent thinking ability, or the so-called soft skills and mindset, which, along with hard skills, are crucial in delivering the intended service and achieving personal growth: actual merit. Instead, public sector employees’ promotions and pay increases follow a fixed timetable, irrespective of their performance. This guaranteed-for-life employment system not only eliminates accountability but also kills motivation to do the job well and discourages innovation. Both individuals and the country suffer as a result.
The other drawback is the social devaluation of vocational skills in favour of professional skills—another residue of our feudal past that refuses to go away. This prestige hierarchy places undue emphasis on university education at the expense of vocational training. Both students and parents are under severe pressure to do well at exams, and this creates a wholesale drive to send children to elite schools in the capital and feed a massive tuition industry. This fixation on a few professions fails to recognise the significance of the other vocational professions to the economy.
Professionals may claim that they have invested more in achieving their skills and deserve preferential treatment, but they should not forget that farmers, plantation workers, and domestic workers abroad, to name a few, contribute to maintaining the infrastructure that allows professionals to earn their merit: the ‘moral desert.’ Society must have the decency to recognise their contribution, not in slogans, but by providing them with the means to lead a decent life.
Even under the best of conditions, meritocracy has become another form of hereditary system, much as aristocracy was. Affluent, privileged parents have figured out how to pass their privilege on to their children, not by bequeathing them land or estates, as in aristocratic societies, but by equipping them to compete successfully and get well-paid jobs, particularly in the private sector, and amass wealth. Meritocracy fails because it turns success into a moral claim, breeds arrogance among winners, creates shame among losers, reproduces privilege, and undermines democratic solidarity. Critics see it as a way to whitewash elitism (Sandel 2021, Markovits 2019, Littler 2017, Frank 2016, Guinier 2015).
Shortcomings
On the surface, meritocracy is the right practice. Indeed, meritocracy must be practiced; one cannot hire a mechanic to pilot a plane just because he is well connected. Yet, even under the best of conditions, meritocracy has shortcomings; and efforts to provide justice in earning merit, as shown in the fourth scenario in the illustration, not only unachievable, but it can create new social problems, as we have seen in our own past. Besides, such measures are only temporary, like medication given for an acute illness. They should not remain in place indefinitely. Lasting solutions must honor the dignity of work rather than credential achievement alone. That will also solve the rampant shortage of qualified workers while addressing the issue of brain drain. Most Nordic countries and some Eastern European countries have found their own solutions to this problem.
Nordic approaches may not transfer directly to Sri Lanka, but one conclusion is clear: our education system must be reformed to address these conditions. Sri Lankans spend more on the thriving shadow education system than the education department’s budget, while other pressing issues get neglected, for example, childhood malnutrition. Education should not merely grant credentials of limited value at home while serving affluent countries at taxpayers’ expense. In Singapore, our model country, meritocracy is not a “moral desert” driven solely by exam competition; it is grounded in “national duty.” We have recognised our past mistakes, but solving such a complex problem needs long-term strategic planning. Therefore, now is the right moment to begin a serious dialogue and include the right strategy in our plan for a happy and prosperous nation.
by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D.
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