Opinion
Mother’s Day and rights of women
By Dr Laksiri Fernando
I am late in responding to Mother’s Day (14 May) which could have been a landmark in changing antagonistic social culture in Sri Lanka like in many other countries. But better late than never.
Compared to many other democratic countries, celebrations and memories on this Mother’s Day in Sri Lanka was minimal. Of course, the hotels like Galle Face, Shangri-La, Hilton, and Movenpick had special offers and menus for those who come from higher echelons of society to celebrate the event. But the great majority of mothers (80 percent) come from lower sections of the society who don’t even have the opportunity to visit a normal hotel, let alone a five star.
TV Programmes
Although I carefully glanced through the prominent newspapers in English and Sinhala, there were no editorials or special features, at least referring to the Day or the event. However, there were some TV channels who made use of the opportunity to run some interesting programmes. Siyatha, Tharu Piri Re (Siyatha, night full of performers) on 13th night was one of them.
Rangana de Silva impressively conducted the programme, participated by teledrama and film artistes like Manjula Kumari, Chathurika Peiris, Nipunika Hewagamage, Maheshi Madusanka, Oshedi Hewamadduma and Nehara Pieris with their mischievous little daughters. They all contributed to the program with singing, dancing, and expressing their views on the subject of Mothers role in family and society. I am very familiar with Nehara’s strong maternal traditions of always giving priority to modesty, equality, and independence.
Hiru TV Copy Chat
also gave prominence to Mother’s Day on 14 May itself. One major difference was the utilization of both mothers and children who are both involved in acting careers. Kavinga Perera conducted the Chat helped by (I believe) Narmada Yapa. Kumari Munasighe and Akila Dhanuddara were a main focus both on their merits and Jackson Anthony’s heritage. Manel Wanaguru and Janith also contributed as mother and son. The contribution of Geetha Kanthi and her daughter, Paboda Sandeepani, also brought a different angle to the discussions. In the web, this Chat became extremely popular with over 200 comments within two days and a huge number of viewers. However, one demerit of the Chat was the unfounded view expressed as the ‘genetic’ connection between mothers and sons and fathers and daughters. All these depend on circumstances and social ethos, some may need to be changed in the case of Sri Lanka.
My Mother
I was born in a family of seven children, four girls and three boys. Our father died when I was ten years having one girl and a boy born after me. My mother, whose maiden name was Pearl De Mel, naturally had to shoulder a great burden. Even before, as I remember well, she was completely in charge of the household with of course father’s help. We were living just next to the St. Peter’s Church at Moratuwella. We also had a housemaid, Menika, from an unknown family from Ehaliyagoda. My mother also was a mother to Menika from a different perspective.
My father was working as the Chief Clerk at the Department of Labour when he suddenly died in 1955 of a stroke. I cannot remember any major dispute between my mother and father, perhaps my mother being a sombre person by nature. There was a clear division of labour between them. Although my mother received a widow’s pension, the first major problem that she had to encounter was the question of money. However, we were fortunate to have a wide friendly family circle both from mother’s and father’s sides. They monthly collected funds and donated to our expenses. When ‘our father was living, we were somewhat rich, but after he died, we became poor.’ My mother jokingly used to tell us like that.
My mother was fairly educated in the field of nursing or midwifery. But she could not work because of the burden of family responsibilities. This is a predicament of many women facing even today. She however offered voluntary help in childbirth of family members and neighbours. Because of our father’s sudden death not only our mother but also our three elder sisters had to sacrifice. They had to leave school one after the other after the ordinary level (O/L) examination. The first joined the CTB as a typist, second as an English teacher, and the third as a telephone operator (CTO). My elder brother also had to do thsame. During the time some knowledge of English was necessary to obtain employment.
Education undoubtedly was/is a principal right particularly of women to face their disadvantages in society. My mother had to balance between four daughters and three sons. She was very vocal in saying that ‘we boys should respect our sisters’ privacy.’ We luckily had enough space in our house to observe those principles. I don’t think my mother had any idea of human rights as we advocate today. But she had some principles perhaps based on her mother and/or father.
She almost became a social worker later in her life after we became economically and socially settled. She used to knit pillowcases with leftover fabrics and distribute them among the poor in our area along with other friends. There were other activities she was involved in. She lived until the ripe old age of 92 without any serious health conditions. Even when I was drawing a good salary, she used to ask me whether I needed any money from her pension!
Mother’s or Women’s?
There are people who question the need for Mothers’ Day when there is a Women’s Day (8 March). The following is one explanation which can be given.
“The main difference between Mother’s Day and International Women’s Day is that the former honours mothers, either collectively or individually, while the latter celebrates all women in society. Mother’s Day is celebrated on the second Sunday in May. Mother’s Day is dedicated to commemorating parenthood as well as the selfless contributions that mothers make, while Women’s Day is dedicated to recognising the accomplishments of women and honouring their resiliency.” (Diffzy. com). https://www.diffzy.com/article/difference-between-mother-s-day-and-women-577
The celebration of Mother’s Day can be traced back to the early 20th century and to a woman named Anna Jarvis in the United States. The whole idea was to recognise, respect and celebrate the role of mothers and their contributions to the family, children, and society. More than 50 countries today celebrate Mother’s Day officially although not yet in Sri Lanka. Matriarchs are also celebrated.
In the case of our country, if mothers are given the opportunity to influence and participate in politics, the nature of politics itself could be changed, from power grabbing to the implementation of justice. Of course, we have had some commendable mothers in politics like Sirimavo Bandaranaike,Chandrika Kumaratunga, etc. However, their roles and efforts pales into insignificance within the power grabbing male politics. They also were backward without coming forward to challenge and change the political culture and political dynamics of the country.
Mothers and Politics
At present women participation in politics is minimal. Whatever the weaknesses, those who are involved in politics should be strongly supported by all progressive forces without limiting themselves to this party or the the other.
It is most unfortunate that Sri Lanka celebrated/celebrating Mother’s Day when very many young women (to be future mothers) are facing a perilous situation. Children are also deeply vulnerable. What happened in Kalutara a week before the Mother’s Day is only a symptom. On the morning of 7 Sunday (May), the naked body of a 16-year schoolgirl was found on the railway line in Kalutara South. She had been taken to the nearby hotel the previous night.
Can that be a breakdown of Mother’s role? I am not referring to a very archaic role on the part of mothers. However, there should be a value system and its implementation.
With the free opening of the media and AI, there is so much adult material distributed within the society (including some TV shows, teledramas, discussions, etc.), not to speak of the ‘social media.’ In a country like Australia, adult material is strongly prevented from reaching children while sex education is given in schools in a scientific manner. This Mother’s Day or the Week should be utilised to create awareness among the mothers themselves.
by Chula Goonasekera
Rev. Dato’ (Sir) Sumana Siri
We, the citizens of Sri Lanka, have already witnessed significant reforms in governance under AKD’s leadership. This personally led process must continue consistently, free of bias, and within the framework of the law to ensure sustainable governance by the State, not the individual. Such efforts will help minimise the waste of public funds and lay a strong foundation for the nation’s development in the long term. We often look to Lee Kuan Yew (LKY), Singapore’s founding father, as an example of transformative leadership. He united three diverse ethnic groups—Chinese, Malay, and Indian—under the principle of honesty. Today, Sri Lanka faces profound challenges from past political corruption, economic instability, and social divisions. LKY’s leadership serves as a reminder that integrity, accountability, and a commitment to the greater good can redefine a nation’s destiny, regardless of its size or resources, similar to Singapore.
When Singapore gained independence in 1965, it was a small, resource-scarce nation facing political unrest and ethnic divisions. Yet, within one generation, it became a global financial hub and a first-world country. LKY’s leadership was pivotal, centred on three core principles: meritocracy, integrity, and pragmatic governance. He prioritised national security, social cohesion, and economic growth. His efforts to foster ethnic harmony included implementing bilingual education policies and enforcing anti-discrimination laws. Similarly, AKD should consider enacting legislation to prevent racially motivated demands, i.e. anti-discrimination laws, to safeguard the government from evil, selfish minds trying to destabilise the government’s commitment to equality. Such legislation will stop this burden falling on the leadership case by case.
LKY’s policies, though sometimes harsh, were rooted in practicality and long-term thinking. The Internal Security Act ensured peace and stability during critical years. Likewise, his investments in education and infrastructure established a foundation for sustained growth. His focus on political stability, a robust legal system, and zero tolerance for corruption inspired investor confidence. Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was empowered to tackle corruption at all levels. Sri Lanka must adopt a similar mindset to revitalise the Bribery and Corruption Commission, moving away from populism and short-term fixes in favour of strategic, future-oriented policies.
AKD’s primary election theme was anti-corruption, reflecting a key aspect of LKY’s leadership. His unwavering stance against corruption defined LKY’s pragmatic governance. He held public officials to the highest accountability standards, ensuring that anyone guilty of corruption faced severe consequences, including dismissal, public exposure, and prosecution. By rooting out corruption, Singapore built domestic credibility and attracted global investment. We in Sri Lanka need such legislation at the earliest opportunity to deal with various kinds of corruption that are appearing again and involving many public officials.
In Sri Lanka, corruption has long undermined public trust in institutions and stifled economic growth. With overwhelming public support, AKD is well-positioned to deliver on his promise to combat corruption. However, this needs to be done early before the government gets entangled with controversy over its own ‘tiered’ standards. Through comprehensive legislative measures, Sri Lanka can rebuild its institutions, restore public confidence, and chart a course toward sustainable development.
LKY was considered “cruel” by some because he treated all races equally without favouring any. AKD shares a similar stance. One of the hallmarks of LKY’s leadership was his unwavering commitment to meritocracy. This created a culture of excellence where the best and brightest minds were responsible for leading the country. In Singapore, recruitment and promotions across all sectors were strictly based on merit—capabilities, skill sets, and abilities—not on connections, nepotism, racial considerations, or personal favouritism. Although challenging to implement, meritocracy can be implemented with the open advertisement of qualifications needed, a transparent appointment process, strict job plans with annual reviews linked to customer feedback, and personal development strategies that are considered a necessity to continue. This approach will foster a culture of excellence and innovation, like Singapore, ensuring that the most capable individuals propel the country forward.
Sri Lanka must break free from the grip of favouritism and focus on nurturing talent through equal opportunities for all citizens, regardless of ethnicity or social background. Early signs of this approach are visible under AKD’s leadership. LKY understood that for a nation to progress, its institutions must be led by those who are truly capable, irrespective of their background. By adopting meritocracy, Sri Lanka could break the cycle of favouritism, nepotism, and ethnic division that has often hindered its development. Establishing a system where opportunities are based on ability and performance could unlock the full potential of Sri Lanka’s people, fostering a culture of innovation, growth, and national unity.
After gaining independence in 1965, during Singapore’s formative years, LKY focused on eliminating corruption, gang activities, and communist threats to create a peaceful and secure nation. The Internal Security Act (ISA) granted his administration discretionary powers to arrest and detain individuals without trial, when necessary, to prevent actions deemed harmful to Singapore’s security, public order, or essential services.
The ISA allowed preventive detention, suppression of subversion, and countering of organised violence against persons and property. Sri Lanka urgently needs a similar act to ensure that politicians and public officials comply with legally binding measures. With its Parliament still in its formative stages, we hope Sri Lanka will soon establish a comparable Internal Security Act. By eliminating corruption at all levels, as LKY did, Sri Lanka can inspire public trust and attract international investors who view stability and a corruption-free environment as prerequisites for investment. This approach could transform Sri Lanka into a manufacturing, business, and financial hub for the Indian Ocean region.
Under LKY’s leadership—often described as strict—Singapore transformed from a third-world nation into a first-world country. Sri Lanka has the potential to achieve even more, given its abundant natural resources, strategic location, and educated population that can be developed into a skilled workforce. With its prime position in the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka could become a regional economic powerhouse—provided it fosters a stable and investor-friendly environment. Like Singapore, Sri Lanka should adhere to a non-aligned foreign policy to emerge as a crucial node in global trade and finance, maintaining friendly ties with Eastern, Western, and Asian powers while leveraging its strategic location.
While some label LKY’s methods as “cruel,” his leadership was not about oppression but discipline and fairness. Whether these policies were “cruel” or benevolent is debatable, but their results speak for themselves. He treated all races equally, fostering harmony in a diverse society by ensuring everyone felt they had a stake in Singapore’s future. Moreover, LKY’s economic policies were marked by simplicity and foresight. Low personal income taxes, the absence of capital gains and inheritance taxes, and a business-friendly environment encouraged reinvestment and entrepreneurship. By positioning Singapore as a global trade and financial hub, LKY ensured its economic resilience. Sri Lanka, too, must prioritise national unity. Divisive politics and ethnic biases must be curtailed to build a shared vision of prosperity and peace, as AKD is striving to do.
LKY’s leadership was built on three core tenets relevant to Sri Lanka today: meritocracy, integrity, and pragmatism. Encouragingly, AKD appears to be moving in a similar direction. One of LKY’s greatest strengths was his pragmatic, long-term approach to governance. He maintained tight control over domestic finances, preventing the internationalisation of the Singapore dollar and limiting the operations of foreign banks. This created an environment that attracted international firms eager to establish themselves in Singapore. Sound financial policies, a corruption-free environment, and a focus on technological advancement helped Singapore become a hub for multinational companies like General Electric. State-owned enterprises like Temasek Holdings and Singapore Airlines were run with business efficiency, often outperforming private sector competitors. Sri Lanka could adopt a similar model to enhance the performance of its state-owned enterprises and boost economic growth.
Singapore adopted a two-pronged financial strategy: becoming an international financial hub while ensuring its financial sector supported key domestic industries like manufacturing and shipping. Additionally, integrating foreign and local talent fuelled decades of sustained economic growth. LKY’s focus on economic development, making Singapore an attractive investment destination, and drawing world-class manpower offer valuable lessons for Sri Lanka.
To replicate such success, Sri Lanka must invest in state-of-the-art infrastructure, establish excellent air and sea linkages, and maintain a low and transparent tax regime.
Clean and efficient bureaucracy, a strong regulatory and legal framework, and a neutral diplomatic policy—balancing relations with global powers like the US and China—are critical. Developing clean, green cities powered by sustainable energy will also be key to achieving remarkable economic success akin to Singapore’s.
Reference the above-captioned letter in The Island of 16 Decembe, its writer, Philosophiae Doctor (PD), he is incorrect in his analysis of a Ph. D degree as a title. As Dr. Upul Wijewardena has said, only a Ph. D holder who can use the title ‘Dr’. However, the tradition is for those who have a medical degree to be called Dr. PD has written about the history of universities and quoted chapter and verse about the origin of degrees. We are now in the twenty first century and most universities have their own system of awarding Ph. Ds. For instance, British universities award Ph. Ds based on 100 per cent research whereas in American universities Ph. D degrees are awarded on the basis of 50 per cent research and 50 per cent course work. The research degree is given more weight at interviews.
PD has also said that a Masters’ Degree (MA) is essential to teach in a university. Many universities including universities in Sri Lanka offer Assistant Lecturer positions to those who have first degrees with classes. Some time ago, the Dean of the faculty of Arts at Otago university, New Zealand had only a B.A. He was appointed Professor because of his publications. In American universities lecturers with a Ph. D are addressed as Assistant Professor. Then a Professor after retirement has to get permission from his university to use the title as Professor (Emeritus). There is no such requirement for a person with a Ph. D to use the title Dr. Modern universities do not follow procedures that were adopted in old Europe mentioned by PD.
Dr. P. A. Samaraweera
Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) has apparently become a law unto itself; it is increasing the salaries and other perks for senior staff at their will. There are 26,131 employees of CEB and its monthly salary bill is around Rs. 3,000 million, out of which 600 million goes for the salaries of engineers. A special grade engineer’s monthly take-home salary is reportedly about Rs. 919, 432 while an E1 grade engineer draws around Rs. 694,240 a month. These include a vehicle allowance of Rs. 250,000 and other benefits. The CEB has thought it is fit to regularly increase the salaries at the insistence of the powerful engineers’ union every three years without getting the approval of the cabinet or the public accounts committee of the finance ministry.
Out of the total number of employees at least 50% are political appointees recrutied by successive ministers of the power and energy ministry. Even the salary of a meter reader is Rs. 54,420 and it comes to around Rs. 125,000 a month. This is far higher and about 100% more than a graduate teacher. With such an excessive workforce earning exorbitant salaries no wonder that the CEB cannot reduce the electricity bills of consumers. There are 6.29 employees for every megawatt (MW) of power generated by CEB while the Malaysian Electricity Board generates six times more power and has only 1.15 employees for one MW of power generated!
PAYE tax should be borne by the employee and it is against the Inland Revenue Act for an institution to pay the PAYE tax due from its employees. It has been revealed before the COPE (the Committee on Public Enterprises) that Rs. 5 billion has been paid by the CEB as PAYE tax to its employees during the period 2010-2019 in contravention of a Cabinet decision on 13 December 2007. This, the CEB has been doing at the expense of consumers, who have to pay higher tariffs.
Verite Research has revealed that Sri Lankan households pay 2.5 to 3 times more for electricity than the average cost to their counterparts in South Asian countries. Our rates are much higher than in Bangladesh and Afghanistan. For instance, a consumer using 300 units of electricity has to pay an electricity bill of Rs. 21,860 while the average equivalent rate in South Asia is only Rs. 7,340. This shows how our professional engineers have managed the CEB power generation so inefficiently over the years.
The reason for this inefficiency is due to the neglect of renewable energies in Sri Lanka. The CEB engineers have always advocated for more and more coal-powered plants. They have deliberately blocked renewable energy projects for obvious reasons. The Supreme Court has found the CEB guilty of blocking a proposal by Vavuniya Solar Power Private limited for a solar energy plant and ordered it to pay Rs 01 million rupees as damages. This, too, would have been paid from CEB funds and those who took such corrupt decisions have got off scot-free. The technical officers of CEB allege that CEB management has purchased power from private power plants despite an increase in hydro power generation. In case hydropower is insufficient to meet the demand another idling turbine at Norochcholai could have been put into operation. There are serious allegations that CEB engineers are intimately connected to such private power plants and even own all or part of them. The new government should appoint an independent commission to investigate allegations against the CEB.
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