Features

Ministry of State facilitates getting tourism off the ground post-1977

Published

3 years ago

2023/01/22

Let us now return to’ my role in the newly created Ministry of State. The President and my new Minister Anandatissa de Alwis had a special interest in tourism. As Minister of State, JRJ had presented the Tourism Development Act to establish the Ceylon Tourist Board. He appointed his brother Harry as Chairman of the Tourist Board to signal its importance.

Anandatissa was his Permanent Secretary at that time. Mrs. Bandaranaike as PM had also promoted tourism during the 1965-1970 period and appointed Dharmasiri Senanayake as the Chairman of the Tourist Board. He was a dynamic leader and we inherited an outstanding staff who wanted to take tourism to a new level.

JRJ had appointed Chandra Soysa, an Accountant, as the Chairman. He had good connections with Germany which was a top target for getting tourists to Sri Lanka. The Managing Director was Thahir and his assistant was Nimalasiri de Silva who had left the diplomatic service to handle the Board’s public relations. We had three outstanding officials who had been recruited by Dharmasiri and had performed well to put Sri Lanka on the tourist map.

They were Samaradiwakara who supervised the European market while Lakshman Ratnapala, who had worked with me as a Press Officer, handled the American sector. Navaz was based in France and we accredited local agencies to represent us in Japan and India. What was significant was that tourism was driven by the private sector while the Board played a supporting role.

No five star hotels had come up in Colombo for almost a century. With the impending Non-Aligned Movement’s meeting in Colombo, the State Trading Corporation had financed the construction of a brand new five star hotel which was to be managed by the Oberoi Group of India. This was the Lanka Oberoi which was a state of the art hotel designed by a top American architectural Company.

The other was the ‘Colombo Inter Continental’ begun during the tenure of JRJ as Minister in 1965. The strategy of the Board was to develop Sri Lanka as a ‘sea, sand and sun’ destination that could compete on the mass tourism market. Unlike our competitors Bali and Thailand, as long haul destinations, we could offer wild life and culture as extra incentives.

Accordingly the Board had set up its first resort area in Bentota where land and all other facilities were offered on a ‘plug and play’ basis along the Bentota river and estuary, to both local and foreign investors. John Keells were the first to hire Geoffrey Bawa to redesign the old Bentota Rest House into the five star Bentota Beach Hotel it is today.

This started a trend which transformed Asian architecture and made Bawa a famous name among modern building circles. Aitken Spence followed with the Ahungalle hotel which has now been rebranded as Heritance Ahungalla. A Tea Company which owned Elephant House remodeled the old Hikkaduwa Rest House with a French architect but was not able to achieve the aesthetic excellence of a Bawa designed hotel.

Later it was sold to John Keells which was fast emerging as a leader in in-bound tourism. An amazing development then took place. Around our main destinations by the sea a large number of middle and small level hotels, restaurants, batik shops and grocery stores sprang up which opened up avenues of employment and income for local investors and workers.

Bawa’s preference for local Batiks, handicrafts, metal work and antiques for interior decoration led to the birth of flourishing small enterprises which later even supplied urban house builders. As I had served as an official in Galle and Kalutara districts I was able to iron out many practical problems that arose. For instance a major drag on investment was the pattern of land ownership in the south. Most of the private lands by the sea were so fragmented that nobody could get a clear title. Without a clear title local banks would not lend money for hotel construction.

For instance in the Balapitiya area there were more than two hundred ‘pangu’ holders for each small block of land. To make matters worse many of the share owners had migrated to Colombo. I particularly remember that the Ahungalle construction was halted due to this problem. After discussing with the Attorney General I arranged for the Tourist Board to acquire these lands and then transfer them with clean title to the investors.

The investor had to deposit the money in a state account to pay the claimants. This solution worked very well and banks were provided with clean titles which enabled them to speedily process loan applications. It also so happened that many of the officers who handled the tourist sector for the big companies were ex-planters who were displaced by the takeover of estates by Mrs. B’s government.

They were talented workaholics and I was able to move with them both officially and socially. Ken Balendra, `Roti’ Sivaratnam, G.C. Wickremasinghe, D. Perera, C.P. de Silva and George Ondaatje were the indefatigable pioneers of our modern tourist industry. We had links with the directors of TUI, Neckermann, Wintertour, Accor, Club Mediterranee and many other global travel agencies.

Accordingly hotels and shops sprang up along the southern coastline and tourism became one of our biggest money spinners in addition to beautifying many towns which were earlier in a shabby state. Bawa and his followers were trend setters in hotel architecture.

Hikkaduwa

While Bentota was a well-planned tourist resort, Hikkaduwa which was about 20 kilometers from there grew as a natural resort of a different model. From the earlier days Hikkaduwa with its coral reefs was a destination favoured by local travelers. Its Rest House was a favourite holiday destination of the Colombo elite led by R.G. Senanayake. With the expansion of tourism it developed as a low cost resort sought after by young western tourists.

This was a special time which saw the growth of ‘Flower Power’. It was the age of the Beatles, Maharishis, soft drugs and fancy hair and dress styles. It was the heyday of a counter culture and Hikkaduwa, like Goa and Kathmandu, were on the must visit list of young backpackers. As Secretary I would often visit Goa and Kathmandu and see the energy in this new market which fortunately our Tourist Board recognized and supported even though the Colombo elite was aghast.

In those days Royal Nepali Airlines was the only air link between Kathmandu and Colombo. Many tourists would visit the Himalayas and then come to Hikkaduwa for its blue sea waters. The flight was so full of stoned backpackers that we called it the ‘Ganja Express’. In spite of frequent spraying of perfumes the inside of the plane reeked of Ganja.

There is a great sequel to my experiences of Hikkaduwa and Unawatuna. Later in time when I worked for the UN I would visit many Ministries in Germany, France and the UK. The front desk would ask for my passport and when I produced my Sri Lankan passport there were so many compliments paid by the then three piece suited officials. The secret was that they had long ago visited Hikkaduwa as young hippies and had an enchanting time in our country.

They were models of middle class respectability now, but had not forgotten the good times they had by the sea at Hikkaduwa. Sri Lanka was entering the world tourism map at a fast clip.

International Kudos

With the dynamism shown by the Tourist Board and the local private sector, tourism in Sri Lanka improved by leaps and bounds. It is strange but true that at that time the -number of arrivals here were greater than the arrivals in India with all its attractions. The main reason was that internal air travel in India was costly and inefficient. It took days to go from one tourist site to another.

Travel Agents in India looked on our developments as a model which could be recommended to their Government. This was shown by the decision of the Indian Travel Agents Association to hold their annual general meeting in Colombo. The main organizer of this meeting, Sita Travels of India, told me that their idea was to showcase Sri Lankan progress in order to convince their Government to follow suit.

Accordingly Mr. Sharma the Indian Minister of Tourism was also present when our Minister Anandatissa delivered the keynote speech. Ananda was easily one of the best speakers in our time and he held the audience spellbound. Biki Oberoi of the Oberoi group, which then managed the Colombo Oberoi, seconded Ananda’s pitch for our tourism development plan and the Indian delegates, who spent another couple of days dining and wining in Colombo and loaded with goodies imported under our free economy, went back delighted. They wanted to influence their Minister to be more like his Sri Lankan counterpart. Sure enough India launched a concerted Tourism drive and is now one of the largest tourist destinations in the world.

London

This event was followed up by the Sri Lankan Exhibition held in the Commonwealth building in London. Our exhibition was a major event in the London events calendar. We exhibited arts, crafts, investment opportunities, hotels, tourism and many other aspects of our history and culture. It ran for about two weeks and had the backing of the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Offices.

The Tourist board had its own promotional stalls and evening receptions with Kandyan and low country dancing. I managed to persuade Arthur Clarke to join our delegation and he gave a well-attended lecture in the Commonwealth lecture hall, on his experiences in Sri Lanka. He also gave numerous interviews and his well-known enthusiasm for his country of domicile gave a boost to the exhibition.

Our man in Europe, Samaradiwakara and our High Commissioner in the UK, Murthy combined with European Travel Agents to boost our image as a growing tourist destination. By this time we were recognized by the trade as a promising travel centre for long haul tourist traffic from Europe.

Another advantage of participating in the Sri Lanka exhibition was that we could negotiate with organizers of seasonal charter flights which would bring large contingents of tourists during the summer and winter.

This was a great success and the hotel and travel sector was delighted. But we had to fend off the objections of Air Lanka which found that the cheaper tickets and more accessible airports of the charters were eating into their revenue. But that was partly due to their own lethargy and the new developments promoted by us made them work harder and review their ticketing policies about which our own expatriates were complaining.

I negotiated with the charter carriers and persuaded them to block book some tickets on regular Air Lanka (AL) flights, which naturally delighted AL because they could show sales without working hard to win clients on their own steam. Fortunately at that time AL was represented by General Sepala Attygalle who understood the primary economic need to increase tourist traffic. That could not be sacrificed for an airline which, being state owned, was now intent on going on an employment spree from among the children of influential in Colombo.

After some time they began to look to the Treasury for subsidies. It was such a drain on the Treasury that we had to later negotiate a partnership with Emirates Airlines. Unfortunately it was terminated by a stupid politically motivated decision and the national airline again lapsed into near bankruptcy. The inefficient national airline and other state corporations are the bane of the Sri Lankan economy which is dragged down by them year after year.

The Taj Samudra

A major milestone in our tourism development was the building of the Taj Samudra Hotel. All our projections from the Board’s statistical division, which was headed by my university senior, H.M.S. Samaranayake, who later became Chairman of the Tourist Board, showed that India will be a major ‘catchment area’ for Sri Lankan tourism. This necessitated a series of follow up decisions to make it a reality.

Establishing Indian brands here was a first step. True enough Oberoi was in Colombo. But they were here on a management contract. Anyway at that time Taj with its flagship Taj Bombay, was the gold standard in the hospitality business. In the words of Biki Oberoi “We are streetwalkers; they are call girls”.

One day not long after the Travel Agents Colombo meeting a high level management group from Taj Bombay met me in office. They told me that their Directors had decided to expand their footprint to other countries and were thinking of Colombo as a first step. Up to now Taj Hotels had not moved out of India and they were exploring possibilities of coming to Sri Lanka because this country was promoting an open economy.

After further exchange of pleasantries they asked for a two acre block from the seven acres in Galle Face which were then occupied by the Fisheries Ministry, the state owned Samudra Hotel and a section of the Tourist Board. I knew that this block of seven acres was easily one of the best locations in South Asia because it faced the Galle face ‘maidan’ and a vast expanse of sea. On one side was the historic Galle Face Hotel and on the other was the old Parliament.

If it was cut up into small blocks as some businessmen were demanding, one of the best sites in Asia would be destroyed forever. The Taj representatives asked for two acres. I told them I would give them seven acres. They could hardly believe their ears because, as they told me later, if they asked for two acres from Indian bureaucrats they would invariably be given only one.

I then took my decision to Anandatissa who fully agreed with my thinking that it should be retained as one contiguous block. He asked me to inform the President and get his consent. I met JRJ and told him about my views. He asked me only one question – “Are they the Tatas?” When I said it was a Tata Group venture he immediately agreed. When the news of approval was conveyed to the Taj board they were so impressed by the speed of our decision making that they not only decided on Colombo but also commissioned the building of their best hotel save the BombayTaj in Sri Lanka.

A new company was set up with a 60:40 share ownership between the Taj group and Sri Lankan investors. the Indian Reserve Bank then put a spoke in the wheel. They refused the transfer of funds from India as they had stringent foreign exchange regulations. Normally that would have spelt the end of the project. But a way out was found by us by making a pitch for investment by Non Resident Indians [NRI] to whom the Taj name was magic.

We launched an advertising campaign for local investors through the stock exchange. The offer was oversubscribed and the construction work on the hotel began in no time. This was a fortuitous beginning because communal riots started in Colombo in 1983 and hotel building in the country was unfortunately curtailed.

We had plans for many more facilities as Sri Lanka was now getting global recognition as an attractive destination. There was to be a string of modern hotels along the coastline. Charles Correa, the famous Indian architect designed another city hotel along the Beira Lake to be managed by the Sheraton Group. John Keells had negotiated with an Italian travel company to build a state of the art sea side resort at Unawatuna.

All were abandoned due to the communal riots of 1983. During my stay in Paris I had promoted a major travel group to visit Sri Lanka and build a five star hotel. In July 1983 while the rioting was going on they called me from their hotel room saying that they could witness the mayhem on Galle road and were getting back to Paris that night itself.

After Taj we could not build hotels for a long time because potential investors, like my French friends, shied away. Our strategic decision to retain the seven acres as a block has ensured that we have a manicured garden in the Taj which has beautified the cityscape. The presence of the Taj Hotel is a powerful impetus for attracting tourists from India which is now our main catchment area.

As I now drive past the Galle road along the Galle Face green which has now seen the building of several five star hotels, I reminisce happily about how it all happened and how I helped in creating a green zone in the heart of Colombo. At that time there was not much agitation about the environment and the common sense of our authorities had prevailed. Indeed we can be proud that due to the planning of the Tourist Board at that time large swathes of our coastline have been retained and beautified by the larger hotels.

The country owes a debt of gratitude to Geoffrey Bawa and other architects who placed the environment in the centre of their hotel designs. It is our special legacy to Asian architecture. Similarly we should thank Arthur Clarke, Rodney Jonklaas, Mike Wilson and their associates for calling for the preservation of our marine heritage. For years they called for a stop to the illicit destruction of our coral reefs. Local politicians did not support those initiatives. But they paid a heavy price when the Tsunami lashed into the villages where the coral barrier had been excavated to make slaked lime.

Akurala village, close to where illicit coral mining was at its worst, disappeared forever. Unfortunately a south bound train passing Akurala was also washed away and hundreds of innocent travelers lost their lives. The situation was so bad that a special office with Registrars sent from Colombo had to be established in Akurala to issue emergency death certificates. Bodies were not found and certificates had to be issued on hearsay. Without hotels, the coral reefs, a national treasure, would have long gone with the complicity of ignorant local politicians and their party leaders.

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Features

Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

A file photo of Buddhist monks engaged in a protest

For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.

To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.

Transformation

The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.

Scandal

It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.

Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.

The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.

Failure that is not unique

This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.

The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.

The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.

Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.

If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.

Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.

Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.

The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.

Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.

To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.

The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.

The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.

The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.

Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.

If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.

by Professor Amarasiri de Silva

Features

Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.

The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.

Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.

“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.

The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.

Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.

“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.

According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.

The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.

“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.

The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.

The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.

The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.

“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.

Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey

Published

22 hours ago

2026/06/5

Thilina Walpola

Ambassador Al-Kahtani

Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka

Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.

The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.

With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.

The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.

Following are excerpts of the interview:

Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.

Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.

Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.

Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.

Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.

Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.

Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.

Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.

Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.

Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.

Q: Are there any future expansion projects?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.

Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.

Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?

Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.

By Ifham Nizam