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Media related missions and meeting Marcos in the Philippines

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Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography

As Director of Information in 1969 I was the first Sri Lankan contact of the Asian Mass Communication and Information Centre [AMIC] which was established in Singapore .This Centre was supported by the Government of Singapore and largely financed by the Freidrich Ebert Stiftung of West Germany. The FES was the NGO of the SPD or Social Democratic Party. At that time it was left of centre in politics and specialized in trade union and media development.

An Indian Journalist cum media scholar Lakshmana Rao was appointed the first Secretary-General of AMIC. He was a student of Wilbur Schramm, a notable media researcher and University teacher in the US. Rao soon undertook a tour of Asian countries to introduce AMIC and drum up support for this new venture. Since there was a FES office in Colombo it would have nominated me to be the local counterpart and Rao visited me in office and we agreed to collaborate in research and training.

Rao and I got on well and we were able to send many of our scholars and media officials for seminars and training courses to Singapore. During this time travel facilities to journalists were not freely available and AMIC became a popular institution both for training and duty free shopping. DC Ranatunga whom I recommended to be the AMIC representative in Sri Lanka wrote:

“One day I got a call from Sarath Amunugama, then Director of Information. “Would you like to go to Singapore?” he asked me. Having been good friends with common interests I asked him not to pull my leg. He told me that a friend was with him with an invitation from a new organization on mass communication. They had sent an invitation and an air ticket for a representative from Sri Lanka. At a time when foreign travel was virtually banned, I was thrilled with the offer but I told Sarath that I was no longer a journalist and he should pick someone else. He insisted I should go having been in the field of journalism for over 10 years and able to make a useful contribution. The event helped me to make contact with a host of media men from Asia and AMIC got off to a flying start.

AMIC’s live wire was Lakshmana Rao, an extremely amiable person. He told me a regional conference would have to be organized in Colombo and I gladly agreed. We held the conference at Galle Face Hotel. I persuaded Arthur C Clarke to deliver the keynote address. The Conference delegates were delighted to listen to him and to chat to him after his presentation.

After some time I was appointed to the Governing Board of AMIC. It was a high level group of Asian media personalities and included Roy Daniel, the Director of Information of Singapore as Chairman, Roshian Anwer [Indonesia], Somkuan Kaviya [Thailand], Chanchal Sarkar [India], Sir Charles Moses [Australia], Dol Ramli [Malaysia] and myself. Hormoko, a well-known Indonesian journalist also joined us. Later he became the Minister of Information under Suharto.

From the Phillipines Flore Rosario – Braid became an AMIC associate. We would meet every quarter in Singapore to plan AMIC programmes and review the budget. Since AMIC was the only media ‘think tank’ for Asia we had considerable influence on making media policy and in linking the nascent media departments of the universities in the region with each other. We held regular seminars in Asian countries, usually within universities, which helped to draw attention of governments to the role of media and media education.

It was the biggest network of media experts in Asia and western universities also began to collaborate with us. Everett Rogers from the US and Micheal Kunzik of FRG were reputed communications scholars who were associated with us. AMIC began its operations from a Singapore hotel. After studying its activities the Singapore Government provided AMIC with a large bungalow on Newton Road close to busy Orchard road. At that time Lee Kuan Yew was a favourite of the German Foundations whose Asian operations were conducted through their regional offices located in Singapore. Much later in time these premises were taken over for the construction of the Newton Circle MRT station and AMIC moved to the Campus of Nanyang University.

However by the late 1970s AMIC ran into trouble. Lakshmana Rao’s autocratic ways did not please the FES or the Singapore Government. Even the Asian scholars were unhappy about his dependence on a few cronies. Due to his powers and FES not looking at the accounts of AMIC, it was found to be insolvent. The original agreement was for the regional administrations to contribute their share for the upkeep of AMIC. That did not happen as Rao insisted on keeping everything within a small circle of AMIC supporters who were his personal friends.

In this hubbub Rao resigned and AMIC was left headless and Dr. Sinha who was an assistant Director was asked to oversee the institution. He was ably supported by a Sri Lankan journalist Guy de Fontgalland who was another employee of AMIC. Fontgalland who was the Jaffna correspondent of a Sri Lankan newspaper became a nationally known figure because of his excellent coverage of a Hindu Temple entry crisis which became top regional news.

When a well-known temple in Mavaddipuram in north Sri Lanka refused to open its doors to so called low castes in the peninsula there was a protest and an attempt by a group of worshippers to forcibly enter the Temple. This was resisted by a former Minister and ‘enfant terrible’ Suntheralingam, a high caste or Vellala leader from a distinguished Jaffna family. He was a brilliant Cambridge educated mathematician who was a Professor in the Ceylon University. He was an advisor to D.S. Senanayake in the struggle for national independence.

In fact Suntheralingam was credited with providing mathematical evidence for DS to make submissions regarding ethnic representation to allay alleged British fears of a Sinhala steamroller majority after Independence. He was given the important portfolio of Trade in DS’s first Cabinet. However when the bill which in effect disenfranchised the estate Tamil labour was passed in Parliament, he resigned and became an implacable foe of the government. It must be noted here that G. G. Ponnambalam his rival did not vote against that bill. He remained as Minister of Industries much to Suntharalingam’s displeasure.

He tried to make a comeback to public acclaim by appealing to the caste prejudices of the Vellala Tamils by obstructing the entrance of the Harijans to the Temple. Fontgallend who was a Catholic went to town on this issue. He was admired by the Colombo newspaper establishment and was brought down to Colombo to work as their Tamil affairs specialist. From there with his strong personality and flair for journalism he appealed to Rao and was hired as an assistant Director to AMIC.

From then on it was plain sailing for Guy. He was extremely popular among AMIC members and with the departure of Rao became the power behind Sinha who was a social science researcher from the University of Patna without much administrative experience. Earlier he had played the role of Rao’s hatchet man .But with his bosses departure Sinha turned to Guy Fontgalland to manage the centre. His concern was mostly to stay on in Singapore because he had moved over bag and baggage from Patna.

How all this affected me was that Sinha and Fontgalland had selected me among themselves to be their ally in the AMIC management committee in their negotiations with the FES. This was a shrewd move because the FES representative Reinhard Keune was my friend who helped in setting up our television training centre in Colombo with FES funding. Through Reinhard I came to know the FES top brass ensconced then in their headquarters in Bad Godesberg, near Cologne, which was the provisional capital of the FRG. Later in time FES moved to Berlin when the capital of united Germany was shifted there.

Another lucky coincidence was that the German expert sent to equip our Film Unit under German aid was Dieter Rauch. Dieter had earlier worked with FES and had given a glowing report about the cooperation of the Ministry of State in implementing that programme. All this gave the idea to Sinha and Fontgalland that if I could be persuaded to head AMIC it would be a way out of their uncertain future after the departure of Lakshmana Rao.

Development Information Network

At about this time I was offered a short term assignment by UNDP, the development arm of the United Nations. The communications unit of the UN in New York, with whom the distinguished Sri Lankan journalist Tarzie Vittachi was associated as an advisor and was working on a project to use communications as a way of empowering rural small farmers to get a fair price for their products. Many field studies had shown that the funds allocated for rural development by UN agencies were not yielding results by way of improving the life chances of the rural poor. Many leaders, bureaucrats and middle men were siphoning off a large part of the aid money and the UN was getting a bad name.

Could media – basically radio and TV – help in keeping the farmers informed of market prices for their products and also help in agricultural extension to raise productivity? A pilot project was proposed and, in typical UN style, a high level delegation was to meet the heads of state of the Philipines, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Fiji to apprise them of this signature project of the UN and to solicit their support.

As the leader of the two man delegation the UNDP chose Dr. Hernan Santa-Crusz, former Foreign Minister of Mende’s Cabinet in Chile and ex Deputy Secretary-General of the Food and Agricultural Organisation. For the post of second commissioner the UNDP nominated me. This was a signal honour which showed that I was being recognized as a ‘brand’ in the field of communications. I suspected that Tarzie may have had a hand in my nomination as he and my friend Roberto Savio of Inter Press Service were regularly consulted by UN agencies on communications matters.

Savio was a great friend of Juan Somavia – the famous Chilian development economist who fled to Mexico during the reign of terror unleashed by Pinochet. Somavia was the son in law of Santa Crusz and the reputed UN old boys network may have been working to get us together for this mission. Hernan and I were summoned to New York for a briefing while our itinerary was worked out through the UNDP Resident Representatives in the countries we were to visit.

Hernan Santa Crusz was a big built, well dressed, veteran diplomat who was very conscious of his high Ambassadorial status and was full of old world diplomatic charm. He was delighted when Heads of State and Ministers referred to him as ‘Your Excellency’. In our travels throughout Asia I learnt much about Latin America and particularly about Allende and his murder by the army which had close links with the CIA.

He also told me about the intrigues in FAO. He had canvassed for the post of Director General of FAO but had been pipped at the post by Ambassador Sen who was a member of the Indian Civil Service. My friend Hernan believed that India had collaborated with the US to deprive him of the topmost position in FAO because of his Allende connection. This was my first visit to New York and the week-long stay in a small hotel on Lexington and 4th street close to the UN building in Manhattan, gave me a splendid opportunity to explore a city which I got to know well in later years. I also got familiar with the UN practice of drinks parties in office after the end of the days work.

It was not possible like in leisurely Colombo to have parties in late evenings. Homes were located far away. So small office parties were held in the same office right after work. I got used to this when I was in Paris and would return home after office parties in a slightly inebriated state. Both in New York and Paris we could buy a few bottles in the UN commissary at duty free rates. They were well patronized by the staff who were envied by our other friends in business houses who did not have such duty free privileges.

We were never short of liquor in Paris because Ginige and our staff in the Sri Lanka embassy had quotas for duty free bottles. Our Sri Lankan visitors, used to rations at home, were amazed when liquor was freely served in parties that we had in their honour. Every year we had a delegation of senior police officers visiting France for meetings of Interpol. They were entertained right royally by us at house parties where drinks were in abundance and they could be persuaded to give us inside information about inquiries back home. In particular I remember startling disclosures about the disappearance of Upali’s aircraft, by the CID officer who had been designated by the President to investigate that tragedy.

After the initial briefings I returned to Colombo and through the UNDP Office here coordinated my visits to the countries assigned. The first of the meetings were to be in Manila and included a meeting with President Marcos in his Malcanyang Palace. Fortunately for me the UNDP Resident Representative in Manila was Devarajan, a senior ex-CCS officer who too had taken early retirement and joined the UN. He had access to all the top personalities in Manila and had arranged several high level meetings which was a pleasant surprise for Santa Crusz who was nervous that his standing may not figure so much in Asia as in Latin America.

Devarajan had set up meetings with Marcos and Foreign Minister Romulo who was now in his dotage. The meeting with Marcos was a memorable one. We had entered the scene when the US which had backed him fully at the beginning was now disengaging largely due to a barrage of criticism from the Western media. Media was highlighting the massive corruption of his regime and the extravagance of his wife Imelda Marcos, an ex-beauty queen and dominant personality who towered over Marcos who was a slight figure.

His short stature obviously troubled him. He met us after climbing onto a small platform to greet us from on high as the accompanying photo will show. Marcos was pleased to see us because only the week previously he was on the cover of TIME magazine with a devastating story of corruption and cronyism in the Philippines. He was very angry and receptive to our suggestion to improve his national Press agency.

The Phillipines was so Americanized that its media was a pale imitation of the US model. The appalling poverty of the population was covered up by the elite which was super rich. I remember that later when I visited Manila for an annual General meeting of the Asian Development Bank we found that the slum areas were boarded up and the poor were not allowed to emerge from their homes till the conference was over.

Hernan Santa Crusz and I did not know that US policy makers had already decided to replace Marcos with the Harvard educated, super rich and populist Aquino. Aquino however was- assassinated by Marcos’s goons when he landed in Manila Airport. This further aggravated the concern of the international community who then brought in his wife Corazon (Cory) Aqino When we met him, Marcos told us about his achievements in cleaning up gun toting Manila and was indignant that he was being criticized after dancing so long to the US tune. He may have known that his days were numbered because the grape vine in Manila, which is famous for its gossip, told us that his wife was stashing away large sums of dollars abroad.

Marcos seemed weary but he was very courteous and assured us of his full support. With Devarajan as the UN coordinator our project could take off and we sent an optimistic report to New York. Writing a report with a veteran like Santa Crusz I learnt about making a presentation in UNese language which comes after long experience in the international system. It was a good lesson which helped me when I joined UNESCO.

Devarajan also took us to see Carlos Romulo who was a national icon having been involved in the fate of the Philippines in the early days following the second World War, as a friend of the western camp. His interventions in the UN were mostly as a mouthpiece of the US. He thereby managed to get a lot of publicity. He was a favourite of the TIME magazine and I remembered reading about him as a schoolboy. He and Ramon Magsaysay were presented as the popular face of their country at that time. Though old he was quite feisty and asked me about Sir John Kotelawala whose guest he had been at Kandawala. He ran a well-appointed office and had a bevy of good looking Philipinas running around. Like his friend Kotelawala, he also was a social butterfly who enjoyed partying and female company.



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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