Features
Meaningless, Redundant and Ridiculous Amendments
Ministry of Justice Law Reforms: Clarifying and updating law and finding solutions, or creating more problems and confusion?
By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(continued from yesterday)
However, the same thing cannot be said of the other 3 Acts – Penal Code (Amendment) Act No. 5 of 2021, Evidence (Amendment) Act No. 6 of 2021 and Bail (Amendment) Act No. 7 of 2021. The passage of these 3 Amendment Acts by Parliament is a futile, meaningless, redundant, silly and ridiculous act done by our law-makers.
The Penal Code (Amendment) Act No. 5 of 2021 has amended the following Sections in the Penal Code in the following manner:
– Ss. 3, 18A, 120, 138, 158, 159, 165, 225 and 256A – by substitution for the word ‘Ceylon’ of the word ‘Sri Lanka’;
– Ss. 19, 115 and 120 – by substitution for the word ‘Queen’ of the word ‘Republic’; S. 13 repealed;
– S. 12 – by repeal and substitution of a new Section:
S. 12. The word ‘Republic’ denotes the ‘Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.’
– S. 14 – by repeal and substitution of a new Section:
S. 14. The word ‘Government’ or expressions ‘the Sri Lankan Government’ or ‘the Government of Sri Lanka’ ‘shall mean the Government constituted by the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, 1978.’
– S. 15 – by repeal and substitution of a new Section:
S. 15. The words ‘this island’ and ‘Sri Lanka’ denote respectively, ‘the island of Sri Lanka.’
– S. 16 – by repeal and substitution of a new Section:
S. 16. The word ‘President’ shall mean the President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and shall include any person duly appointed or designated to exercise, perform and discharge the powers, duties and functions of his office.
– S. 18A – by substitution for all the words from ‘any enactment or any statute’ to the end of the section, of the words ‘any enactment of the legislature of Sri Lanka or under the Ceylon (Parliamentary Elections) Order in Council, 1946 or any rules or regulations made thereunder’.
– S. 19. – by substitution for all the words from ‘Firstly’ to ‘air forces of the Queen’ of the words:- ‘Firstly – Every person holding any office in Sri Lanka by virtue of any commission or warrant or other act of appointment granted or made by the President or under the President’s authority; Secondly – Every member of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service; Thirdly – Every commissioned officer in the naval, military or air forces of the Republic of Sri Lanka’.
– S. 53 – by substitution for the word ‘Governor-General’s of the word ‘President’s’.
– S. 56 – by substitution for the words ‘waging war against the Government’ of the words ‘waging war against the Republic’ in the Illustration to the section.
– S. 115 – by substitution for the words ‘to deprive the Queen of the sovereignty of Ceylon or of any part thereof, or of any of Her Majesty’s Realms and Territories’, of the words ‘to deprive the People of the Republic of Sri Lanka of their sovereignty or any part thereof.’
– S. 119 – by substitution for the words ‘Governor-General or a Senator or Member of Parliament’ of the words ‘President or a Member of Parliament.’
– S. 120 – by substitution for the words ‘the Queen or to Her Government in Ceylon’ of the words ‘President or to the Government of Sri Lanka’.
– S. 138 – by substitution for the words ‘Her Majesty’s Government in Ceylon or the Senate or the House of Representatives’ of the words ‘the Government
of the Republic or the Parliament’;
– S. 158 – by substitution for the words ‘Government of Ceylon’ of the words ‘the Government of the Republic’.
– S. 159 & 160 – by substitution for the words ‘the Senate or the House of Representatives or the Executive Government of Ceylon’ of the words ‘the Parliament or the Executive Government of the Republic.’
– S. 162 – by substitution for the word ‘the Government’ of the word ‘the Republic’;
– S. 191 and 192 – by substitution for the words ‘this code or the law of England’ of the words ‘this code or any other enactment for the time being in force’.
– S. 256A – by substitution for the words ‘Her Majesty’s Government in Ceylon and also the Government in any part of Her Majesty’s Realms and Territories or in any foreign country’ of the words ‘the Government of any foreign country’;
– S. 398 – by substitution for the words ‘Civil Service’ of the words ‘Sri Lanka Administrative Service’;
– S. 449 – by substitution for the word ‘Crown’ of the word ‘State’;
– S. 468 – by substitution for the words ‘in any part of Her Majesty’s Realms and Territories or in any foreign country’ of the words ‘in Sri Lanka or in any foreign country’;
– . 485 – by substitution for the words ‘of Her Majesty’ of the words ‘the Republic.’
The Evidence (Amendment) Act
The Evidence (Amendment) Act No. 6 of 2021 has amended the following Sections of the Evidence Ordinance:
(a) Sections 57 (para 4 & 7), 65, 74, 78 (para 1, 4 & 5), 90 B, 91 and 100 by substitution for the word ‘Ceylon’ of the word ‘Sri Lanka’;
(b) Sections 6 & 10 by substitution for the words ‘waging war against the Queen’ of the words waging war against the Republic’;
(c) Sections 57 para (8) by substitution for the words ‘Sovereign recognized by Her Majesty’ of the words ‘Sovereign recognized by the Republic of Sri Lanka’;
(d) Sections 57 para (10) by substitution for the words ‘Her Majesty’s Realms and Territories ’ of the words ‘the territorial limits of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and of its divisions’;
(e) Sections 57 para (12), 111, 126,127, 128, 149 and 150 amended by substitution – for the word ‘advocate, proctor’ of the word ‘attorney-at-law’ wherever those words appear in those sections.
The Penal Code (Amendment) Bill, Evidence (Amendment) Bill and Bail (Amendment) Bill were taken up for debate and passed by Parliament without any amendments on January 06, 2021. As shown by Parliamentary Proceedings of the day, Minister of Justice Ali Sabry, Government MPs Madhura Vithanage, Jayantha Weerasinghe, Mohan P. de Silva, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, Susil Premajayantha, Udayana Kirindigoda, Dilan Perera, Sagara Kariyawasam and Lohan Ratwatte and the Opposition MPs Lakshman Kiriella, Eran Wickramaratne, A.L.M. Athaulla, Harin Fernando, Ranjan Ramanayake and Harini Amarasuriya have participated in the debate. The vast majority of the MPs who participated in the debate are lawyers. Yet none of them have seen the absurdity of presenting these Bills in Parliament and enacting them. As usual, in the debate they have spoken of various things other than the contents of the Bills.
Intellectual Fraud perpetrated on the People
There was absolutely no need to bring in this Penal Code (Amendment) Bill and Evidence (Amendment) Bill as all the above-mentioned amendments have been made 42 years back in 1980 and incorporated into the 20 Volume Legislative Enactments edited by a group of legal luminaries headed by Justice Hector Deheragoda, Supreme Court Judge, and published by the Government of Sri Lanka in 1980. Over the past 42 years all these amendments remained part of the law of the country. In the guise of updating outdated, antiquated laws, the Ministry has reproduced in these two Bills what was already there as a great achievement made by it. This is an intellectual fraud perpetrated not only on our gullible people who are prepared to swallow anything given by our cunning politicians, but also on the MPs who are not used to study, analyse and examine Bills presented in Parliament.
Each of these Bills run into seven pages and printed and published 2 or 3 times causing unnecessary wastage of public funds: – first, some times as part of Cabinet Paper for Cabinet approval and then published in the Government Gazette for public information as is required under the law; secondly in the form of a Bill for presentation to Parliament and thirdly as an Act of Parliament. Who will take the responsibility for this totally unwanted wastage of public funds? It is also wastage of time and energy of the Parliamentary staff and of public funds for the sitting of Parliament. As reported in the media quoting Parliamentary sources, Parliament spends over four million rupees for a day of sitting.
While enclosing all the above-mentioned amendments in the 1980 Legislative Enactments in the two Bills, it appears that 3 amendments, which were not in the 1980 Legislative Enactments and which may have the effect of arousing public concerns, have been surreptitiously crept into the Bills, unnoticed by those who may be concerned. Two of these amendments in the Penal Code (Amendment) Bill and one amendment is in the Evidence (Amendment) Bill.
S. 17 of the Penal Code has been amended by the Penal Code (Amendment) Act by omitting illustration (b). Illustration (b) in S. 17: (b) A District Registrar or Additional District Registrar exercising jurisdiction under S. 33 of the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act is a judge. Under the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act a District Registrar has the power of a District Judge in respect of matrimonial matters of persons who have contracted their marriages under the Kandyan Law. This amendment has the effect of rendering this provision in the Kandyan Law practically ineffective without touching the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act, unnoticed by those concerned. Legally speaking, this illustration cannot be omitted without first amending the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act, as it is an illustration reflecting the existing state of the law.
Another amendment of this nature crept in is the amendment of S. 25 the Penal Code. This section has been amended by substituting the word ‘spouse’ for the word ‘wife’. S. 25: When property is in the possession of a person’s wife, clerk or servant, on account of that person, it is in that person’s possession within the meaning of this Code.
One cannot understand why this amendment was brought. There is no need or justification for this amendment, other than paving the way for gay marriages, giving effect to the thinking of Ranil Wickramasinghe government, in the guise of making provision for gender neutrality. It may also have a bearing on the right to the possession of property of a person married under the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act.
Another insensible amendment made is the amendment of S. 225 of the Penal Code. S. 225 of the Penal Code deals with the offence of use of counterfeit coins. The relevant phrase contained in the original Penal Code was: ‘issued by the authority of the Government of Ceylon or under the Currency Ordinance No. 21 of 1941 or any enactment in operation for the time being relating to the issue of coins in Ceylon or in any part of Her Majesty’s Realms and Territories.’
It has been amended in the 1980 Legislative Enactments as shown below: ‘issued by the authority of the Government of Ceylon or under the Currency Ordinance No. 21 of 1941 or under the Monetary Law Act, or under any enactment in operation for the time being relating to the issue of coins in Sri Lanka or by the authority of the Government of any foreign country in order to be so used.’)
The current amendment has omitted the phrase (shown above underlined) dealing with coins issued by foreign governments. It reads thus: ‘issued by the authority of the Government of Ceylon or under the Currency Ordinance No. 21 of 1941 or under the Monetary Law Act (Chapter 422) or under any enactment in operation for the time being relating to the issue of coins in Sri Lanka.’
Unlike our coins, coins of some foreign countries are of very high value. This amendment may open the doors for racketeers to use counterfeit foreign coins of high value without incurring any penalty. After this amendment a person found in possession of or dealing with counterfeit foreign coins cannot be prosecuted under the Penal Code.
Repeal of S. 82 of the Evidence Ordinance is another incomprehensible, irrational and short-sighted act done. This results in placing an unnecessary burden of proof on clients in some categories of civil cases who rely on documents executed in foreign countries in support of their claims. This will not only result in prolonging the cases, but also provide opportunities to unscrupulous lawyers to charge higher fees. One can clearly see this when one compares the S. 82 in the original Evidence Ordinance with the amended section of the Evidence Ordinance in the 1980 Legislative Enactments.
Original Evidence Ordinance S. 82 :- ‘When any document is produced before any court purporting to be a document, which by the law in force for the time being in England or Northern Ireland, would be admissible in proof of any particular in any Court of justice in England or Northern Ireland without proof of the seal, or stamp or signature authenticating it, or of the judicial or official character claimed by the person by whom it purports to be signed, the court shall presume – (a) that such seal, or stamp or signature is genuine, and (b) that the person signing it held at the time he signed it, the judicial or official character which he claims, and that the document shall be admissible for the same purpose for which it would be admissible in England or Northern Ireland.
Amended section in 1980 Legislative Enactments
– S. 82 :– ‘When any document is produced before any court purporting to be a document, which by the law in force for the time being in any foreign country, would be admissible in proof of any particular in any Court of justice in that country without proof of the seal, or stamp or signature authenticating it, or of the judicial or official character claimed by the person by whom it purports to be signed, the court shall presume – (a) that such seal, or stamp or signature is genuine, and (b) that the person signing it held at the time he signed it, the judicial or official character which he claims, and that the document shall be admissible for the same purpose for which it would be admissible in that foreign country.
Any person with common sense will understand that the 1980 amendment is a salutary step taken extending the application of the presumption which remained confined to documents legally executed in England or Northern Ireland to documents executed in any foreign country, thereby facilitating the judicial process in relation to the proof of all such documents. What is the need or reason for the repeal of this salutary provision beneficial in the speedy administration of civil jurisdiction?
(to be continued)
Features
More state support needed for marginalised communities
Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:
Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey
When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.
The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.
Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.
A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.
The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.
As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.
Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.
First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.
Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.
Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.
Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.
Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.
Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.
Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.
Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.
Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.
(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)
by Shashik Silva ✍️
Features
Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh
Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.
The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?
Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.
The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.
A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.
Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.
Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.
Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.
We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.
In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.
As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.
An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.
On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.
A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga
A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.
If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.
Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.
Features
Celebrating Valentine’s Day …
Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:
Merlina Fernando (Singer)
Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.
We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.
We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.
Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)
On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.
I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.
To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.
Emma Shanaya (Singer)
I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.
JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka
This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.
Kay Jay (Singer)
I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.
Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)
On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.
Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka
Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.
From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.
Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.
As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.
Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.
Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)
We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.
With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.
Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.
This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.
Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)
I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.
I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.
Noshin De Silva (Actress)
Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.
It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.
Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.
And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!
Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.
Sending my love to all of you.
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