Features
M. D. Banda – The Indefatigable and Unassuming Representative of the People
A Tribute:
September 18, 2025 marked the 51st death anniversary of M. D. Banda, who passed away in 1974. In a tribute to this great national figure, it seems fitting to quote from a message he wrote to the January–March 1966 issue of the quarterly magazine published by the Agriculture Department, Govikam Sangarava, as Minister of Agriculture:
“As a nation that has lived 18 years with independence, we now also need economic freedom. Increasingly, the food required by the country must be produced within the nation itself. Only then can true economic independence be achieved” [English translation of the Sinhala text].
The pinnacle of M. D. Banda’s 27-year-long political career (1943–1970) was his tenure as Minister of Agriculture and Food in 1965–1970, when he launched the “National Food Drive” in Ceylon. As his words above reveal, he believed that agriculture had a key role to play in achieving economic independence. Basing himself on this conviction, he strove tirelessly to achieve self-sufficiency in food for Ceylon. That his efforts proved successful is borne out by both the ‘Agricultural Development Plan – 1971-1977’ published by the Ministry of Agriculture of the ULF (United Left Front) Government given below and the Annual Report of the Asian Development Bank for 1970.
According to the statistics presented above, potato production increased annually and systematically from 360 tons in 1964 to 29, 521 tons in 1969. Similarly, chilli cultivation expanded from a mere 4 cwt in 1964 to 133 cwt in 1969, and red onion cultivation from 325 cwt to 741 cwt within the same period. The above data demonstrate the success of the “National Food Drive” and the progress achieved in agriculture within this short period of time. This is why Mr. Hector Kobbekaduwa, who succeeded Mr Banda as Minister of Agriculture in 1970, paid Mr Banda a high tribute in Parliament, stating that he wished to carry forward the scientific agricultural initiatives of Mr Banda.
The Asian Development Bank’s 1970 Annual Report confirmed that paddy production in Sri Lanka (Ceylon) recorded a similar growth.
Likewise, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) statistics indicate that between 1965–1970, Sri Lanka experienced the fastest growth in paddy production—22.3%—a rate never matched in later years, where it always remained below 10%.
In addition, Adam Pain in his 1986 article “Agricultural Research in Sri Lanka: An Historical Account” (Modem Asian Studies, 20, 4) points out that “There is no doubt that the strong organizational abilities of Banda and the effort given to increasing food production, coupled with a series of good growing seasons, were responsible for the very dramatic rise in production of rice from 1966 to 1970, so much so that by 1970 Sri Lanka was to achieve nearly 90% self-sufficiency in rice, with the target of self-sufficiency just round the corner.”

The Cabinet of Ministers with Her Majesty Elizabeth the Second, Queen of Ceylon. Taken in Aprl 1954. The Queen was 28 years of age. M.D.Banda is seated 6th from the left. He was the Minister of Education during 1952-56. Seated (L-R) Hon. Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, Hon. E. A. Nugawela, Rt. Hon. Sir John Kotelawala (Prime Minister), Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II, Hon. J. R. Jayewardena, Hon. M. D. Banda, and Hon. P. B. Bulankulame Dissawa. Standing (L-R) Hon. Dr. M.C.M. Kaleel, Hon. E. B. Wikramanayake, Hon. Sir Kanthiah Vaithianathan, Hon. R. G. Senanayake, Hon. S. Natesan, Hon. H. De Z. Siriwardana and Hon. C. W. W. Kannangara. *The two european gentlemen standing on either side are not identified.

Hon. M D Banda And his ” small” world Standing from left, daughter Lalitha ( now deceased), nephew Wing Commander Dr Nimal Wijetunge ( physician to Governor General HE William Gopallawa) , nephew Attorney at law Berty Wijetunge ( Private Secretary to Minister), daughter Sumangalika Seated from left, son Gamini , daughter Chithra , M D Banda , son Senarath, Wife Sittamma Kumarihamy Mahadivulwewa , daughter Visaka, son Señaka. 1963/64 in Colombo.Studio Donald’s.
Further, during the 1965 – 1970 period, as Minister of Agriculture and Food, Mr Banda enabled dairy farmers to upgrade their livelihood by launching the fresh milk processing plant at Thamankaduwa, Polonnaruwa, the powdered milk factory at Welisara and the one at Ambewela. As mentioned earlier, the most significant project undertaken by the UNP government, often considered its flagship project, was the “National Food Drive”. In recognition of the phenomenal success of this project, Mr Banda was appointed to the Board of Directors of the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) in the Philippines, a post he was invited to continue in, even after his defeat at the polls in 1970, due to the IRRI’s faith in his ability to share his knowledge, expertise, and experience with other Asian countries.
A People Centric Approach
One of M.D. Banda’s greatest strengths, it could be argued, lay in his dedication to the people he served as a representative in the national legislature and his trust in their ability to affect change through active involvement in national endeavours. As he himself emphasised, “The government may provide the necessary programmes and facilities, but the success of achieving food self-sufficiency ultimately depends on the active participation of the people” (English translation of the Govikam Sangarava message quoted above). This belief in the importance of community participation played a major role in the success of the agricultural revolution during his tenure.

Agriculture and Food Minister M.D. Banda with Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake (1955-70) during the popular Agricultural Development Programme ’Food Drive’

The 2nd Cabinet of Ceylon formed in June 1952. Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake, H. W. Amarasuriya, M. D. Banda, P. B. Bulankulame, A. E. Goonesinha, Senator Oliver Goonetilleke, J. R. Jayewardene, M. C. M. Kaleel, C. W. W. Kannangara, John Kotelawala, V. Nalliah, S. Natesan, E. A. Nugawela, G. G. Ponnambalam, Senator Lalita Rajapaksa, A. Ratnayake, R. G. Senanayake, C. Sittampalam, and Senator Edwin Wijeyeratne.
Bradman Weerakoon, who worked closely with M.D. Banda during this period, reveals the impact of the “National Food Drive” on the general populace of the country in the following terms:
“To me who was closely associated with the monitoring and evaluating aspects of this great national enterprise, it remains unexampled as an undertaking that was not only crowned with the greatest success but which also inspired and united the people of the country. There was something to be done by everyone – not only the farmers and their families who got a new respect and dignity for their labour but even for the children who got into the paddy fields in their school uniforms for weeding and other simple farming tasks.”
Public Service
M. D. Banda’s public career, which spanned over 35 years (1938–1970), began in 1938, following the completion of a BA (London) from the Ceylon University College (1938). His first appointment as DRO (District Revenue Officer) was to Udahevaheta, where his ability to inspire community participation was evident not only through the manner in which he addressed the post-WWII food shortage issues but also in how he garnered community support to create new roadways, thoroughfares and waterways, in areas that were deemed inaccessible.
It is this tireless dedication and empathy towards those he served that inspired the people of the area to seek him out in 1943 when the State Council seat for the area fell vacant. They came on deputation to his home in Panaliya, Polgahawela and would not take ‘no’ for an answer. Thus, Mr Banda contested and won the seat and entered the State Council as the representative for Mathurata in 1943, at the young age of 29.
Although his stint in the State Council was short lived, his efforts on behalf of the Mathurata area was rewarded once again when he contested and won the seat in the Parliamentary Elections of 1947. He was thus a member of the first parliament of Ceylon and, in recognition of the capabilities demonstrated both as a young DRO and as a Member of the State Council, he was appointed to the post of Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour and Social Services (as the post of Junior Minister was then known) in 1948, mere months after he entered parliament.
He was appointed to the post of Minister of Labour and Social Services in 1950, became the Minister of Education (1952–1956), the Minister of Agriculture & Lands, and Food, Commerce & Trade (March – July 1960), and the Minister of Agriculture and Food (1965–1970).
In examining the work undertaken by M.D. Banda in these different but significant ministerial posts, it is clear that his approach to national development has been consistently people centric. In this light, it is a little known but true fact that although the Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) was presented to parliament in 1958, the conceptualization of the scheme and initial preparations for instituting it was undertaken during Mr Banda’s short but significant stint as Minister of Labour and Social Services (1950-1952). This was to ensure that all employees received retirement justice. What is also of note is that Ceylon was the first South Asian country to introduce such a scheme.
A Transformation in Education
A revolutionary change that occurred during Mr. Banda’s tenure as Minister of Education (1952-1956) was the upgrading of the Central School system established in accordance with the ‘Kannangara Reforms’, by equipping them with all the necessary facilities and amenities and, additionally, enabling access to equal educational opportunities to everybody by expanding Swabhasha (Sinhala & Tamil) medium education. According to available data and statistics, in 1952 there were 89 state schools which increased to 309 by 1956. The number of Assisted state schools in 1952 stood at 245 which rose to 297 by 1956, and the total number of schools (inclusive of the Central schools) increased to 600 in 1956, from 334 schools in 1952 during the time when Mr. Banda was Education Minister of Ceylon.
During this decade, school enrolment “increased faster than population growth” says Prof Swarna Jayaweera in her article “Education in Sri Lanka – Fifty Years Since Independence”. Prof GH Peiris observes that “The four-year period over which M.D. Banda served as the Minister of Education was, in several respects, a crucial phase in formal education in Sri Lanka”. In addition to the factors discussed above, one other reason for Prof Peiris’ observation was probably the establishment of the University of Ceylon at its Peradeniya site in 1952, when Mr Banda was Minister of Education. This enabled the expansion of tertiary education in the country, opening up possibilities for a greater number of students to obtain a university degree.
Legacy
A perusal of the election manifestos and publicity leaflets produced during his elections in Mathurata (1947 – 1960), Hanguranketha (1960 – 1965) and Polgahawela (1965 – 1970), reveal how Mr Banada has understood the problems facing his constituents in each of these areas and has worked diligently to improve their living conditions. However, despite his immense service at village, regional, national and international levels, M.D. Banda faced his first and only electoral defeat in 1970. That this came on the heels of one of the most productive national movements, as attested by statistical data as well as academic and other analyses of the ‘National Food Drive’, is as astounding as it is unbelievable. Nevertheless, he accepted the Polgahawela people’s verdict with innate graciousness and equilibrium.
In an exemplary manner one can only associate with leaders of his calibre, Mr Banda immediately resigned from all government posts, gave up his official residence in Colombo and came back to his village, Panaliya, his honesty, integrity, and dignity, character traits that had come to be intimately associated with him in his long and illustrious political career, unshaken. Remembering leaders like M. D. Banda is vital—not only because we must honour their service and acknowledge just how much they have contributed to the wellbeing of our country but also to inspire future generations with their exemplary lives.
by D. S. Karunanayake. ✍️
Features
When Batting Was Poetry: Remembering David Gower
For many Sri Lankans growing up in the late nineteen fifties and early sixties, our cricketing heroes were Englishmen. I am not entirely sure why that was. Perhaps it was a colonial hangover, or perhaps it reflected the way cricket was taught locally, with an emphasis on technical correctness, a high left elbow, and the bat close to the pad. English cricket, with its traditions and orthodoxy, became the benchmark.
I, on the other hand, could not see beyond Sir Garfield Sobers and the West Indian team. Sir Garfield remains my all-time hero, although only by a whisker ahead of Muttiah Muralitharan. For me, Caribbean flair and attacking cricket were infinitely superior to the Englishmen’s conservatism and defensive approach.
That said, England has produced many outstanding cricketers, with David Gower and Ian Botham being my favourites. Players such as Colin Cowdrey, Tom Graveney, Mike Denness, Tony Lewis, Mike Brealey, Alan Knott, Derek Underwood, Tony Greig, and David Gower were great ambassadors for England, particularly when touring the South Asian subcontinent, which posed certain challenges for touring sides until about three decades ago. Their calm and dignified conduct when touring is a contrast to the behaviour of the current lot.
I am no longer an avid cricket viewer, largely because my blood pressure tends to rise when I watch our Sri Lankan players. Therefore, I was pleasantly surprised recently when I was flipping through the TV channels to hear David Gower’s familiar voice commentating. It brought back fond memories of watching him bat during my time in the UK. I used to look forward to the summer for two reasons. To feel the sun on my back and watch David Gower bat!
A debut that announced a star
One of my most vivid cricketing memories is watching, in 1978, a young English batsman pull the very first ball he faced in Test cricket to the boundary. Most debutants play cautiously, trying to avoid the dreaded zero, but Gower nonchalantly swivelled and pulled a short ball from Pakistan’s Liaquat Ali for four. It was immediately apparent that a special talent had arrived.
To place that moment in perspective, Marvan Atapattu—an excellent Sri Lankan batsman—took three Tests and four innings to score his first run, yet later compiled 16 Test centuries.
Gower went on to score 56 in his first innings and captivated spectators with his full repertoire of strokes, particularly his exquisite cover drive. It is often said that a left-hander’s cover drive is one of the most pleasurable sights in cricket, and watching Sobers, Gower, or Brian Lara execute the cover drive made the entrance ticket worthwhile.
A young talent in a time of change
Gower made his Test debut at just 21, rare for an English player of that era. World cricket was in turmoil due to the Kerry Packer revolution, and England had lost senior players such as Tony Greig, Alan Knott, and Derek Underwood. Selectors were searching for young talent, and Gower’s inclusion injected fresh impetus.
Gower scored his first Test century in only his fourth match, just a month after his debut, against New Zealand, and a few months later scored his maiden Ashes century at Perth.
He finished with 18 Test centuries from 117 matches. His finest test innings, in my view, was the magnificent 154 not out at Kingston in 1981 against Holding, Marshall, Croft, and Garner. Batting for nearly eight hours and facing 403 balls, he set aside flair for determination to save the Test.
He and Ian Botham also benefited from playing their initial years under Mike Brealey, an average batsman but an outstanding leader. Rodney Hogg, the Australian fast bowler, famously said Brealey had a ‘degree in people’, and both young stars flourished under his guidance.
Captaincy and criticism and overall record
Few English batsmen delighted and frustrated spectators and analysts as much as Gower. The languid cover drive, so elegant and so pleasurable to the spectators, also resulted in a fair number of dismissals that, at times, gave the impression of carelessness to both spectators and journalists.
Despite his approach, which at times appeared casual, he was appointed as captain of the English team in 1983 and served for three years before being removed in 1986. He was again appointed captain in 1989 for the Ashes series. He led England in 1985 to a famous Ashes series win as well as a series win in India in1984-85.
In the eyes of some, the captaincy might not have been the best suited to his style of play. However, he scored 732 runs whilst captaining the team during the 1985 Ashes series, proving that he was able handle the pressure.
Under Gower, England lost two consecutive series to the great West Indian teams 5-0, which led to the coining of the phrase “Blackwashed”! He was somewhat unlucky that he captained the English team when the West Indies were at the peak, possessing a fearsome array of fast bowlers.
David Gower scored 3,269 test runs against Australia in 42 test matches. He scored nine centuries and 12 fifties, averaging nearly 45 runs per inning. His record against Australia as an English batsman is only second to Sir Jack Hobbs. Scoring runs against Australia has been a yardstick in determining how good a batsman is. Therefore, his record against Australia can easily rebut the critics who said that he was too casual. He scored 8,231 runs in 117 test matches and 3,170 runs in 114 One Day Internationals.
A gentleman of the game free of controversies
Unlike the other great English cricketer at the time, Ian Botham, David was not involved in any controversies during his illustrious career. The only incident that generated negative press was a low-level flight he undertook in a vintage Tiger Moth biplane in Queensland during the 1990-91 Ashes tour of Australia. The team management and the English press, as usual, made a mountain out of a molehill. David retired from international cricket in 1992.
In 1984, during the tour of India, due to the uncertain security situation after the assassination of the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the English team travelled to Sri Lanka for a couple of matches. I was fortunate enough to get David to sign his book “With Time to Spare”. This was soon after he returned to the pavilion after being dismissed. There was no refusal or rudeness when I requested his signature.
He was polite and obliged despite still being in pads. Although I did not know David Gower, his willingness that day to oblige a spectator exemplified the man’s true character. A gentleman who played the game as it should be, and a great ambassador of England and world cricket. He was inducted into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame in 2009 and appointed an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in 1992 for his services to sport.
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
Features
Sri Lanka Through Loving Eyes:A Call to Fix What Truly Matters
Love of country, pride, and the responsibility to be honest
I am a Sri Lankan who has lived in Australia for the past 38 years. Australia has been very good to my family and me, yet Sri Lanka has never stopped being home. That connection endures, which is why we return every second year—sometimes even annually—not out of nostalgia, but out of love and pride in our country.
My recent visit reaffirmed much of what makes Sri Lanka exceptional: its people, culture, landscapes, and hospitality remain truly world-class. Yet loving one’s country also demands honesty, particularly when shortcomings risk undermining our future as a serious global tourism destination.
When Sacred and Iconic Sites Fall Short
One of the most confronting experiences occurred during our visit to Sri Pada (Adam’s Peak). This sacred site, revered across multiple faiths, attracts pilgrims and tourists from around the world. Sadly, the severe lack of basic amenities—especially clean, accessible toilets—was deeply disappointing. At moments of real need, facilities were either unavailable or unhygienic.
This is not a luxury issue. It is a matter of dignity.
For a site of such immense religious and cultural significance, the absence of adequate sanitation is unacceptable. If Sri Lanka is to meet its ambitious tourism targets, essential infrastructure, such as public toilets, must be prioritized immediately at Sri Pada and at all major tourist and pilgrimage sites.
Infrastructure strain is also evident in Ella, particularly around the iconic Nine Arches Bridge. While the attraction itself is breathtaking, access to the site is poorly suited to the sheer volume of visitors. We were required to walk up a steep, uneven slope to reach the railway lines—manageable for some, but certainly not ideal or safe for elderly visitors, families, or those with mobility challenges. With tourist numbers continuing to surge, access paths, safety measures, and crowd management urgently needs to be upgraded.
Missed opportunities and first impressions
Our visit to Yala National Park, particularly Block 5, was another missed opportunity. While the natural environment remains extraordinary, the overall experience did not meet expectations. Notably, our guide—experienced and deeply knowledgeable—offered several practical suggestions for improving visitor experience and conservation outcomes. Unfortunately, he also noted that such feedback often “falls on deaf ears.” Ignoring insights from those on the ground is a loss Sri Lanka can ill afford.
First impressions also matter, and this is where Bandaranaike International Airport still falls short. While recent renovations have improved the physical space, customs and immigration processes lack coherence during peak hours. Poorly formed queues, inconsistent enforcement, and inefficient passenger flow create unnecessary delays and frustration—often the very first experience visitors have of Sri Lanka.
Excellence exists—and the fundamentals must follow
That said, there is much to celebrate.
Our stays at several hotels, especially The Kingsbury, were outstanding. The service, hospitality, and quality of food were exceptional—on par with the best anywhere in the world. These experiences demonstrate that Sri Lanka already possesses the talent and capability to deliver excellence when systems and leadership align.
This contrast is precisely why the existing gaps are so frustrating: they are solvable.
Sri Lankans living overseas will always defend our country against unfair criticism and negative global narratives. But defending Sri Lanka does not mean remaining silent when basic standards are not met. True patriotism lies in constructive honesty.
If Sri Lanka is serious about welcoming the world, it must urgently address fundamentals: sanitation at sacred sites, safe access to major attractions, well-managed national parks, and efficient airport processes. These are not optional extras—they are the foundation of sustainable tourism.
This is not written in criticism, but in love. Sri Lanka deserves better, and so do the millions of visitors who come each year, eager to experience the beauty, spirituality, and warmth that our country offers so effortlessly.
The writer can be reached at Jerome.adparagraphams@gmail.com
By Jerome Adams
Features
Seething Global Discontents and Sri Lanka’s Tea Cup Storms
Global temperatures in January have been polar opposite – plus 50 Celsius down under in Australia, and minus 45 Celsius up here in North America (I live in Canada). Between extremes of many kinds, not just thermal, the world order stands ruptured. That was the succinct message in what was perhaps the most widely circulated and listened to speeches of this century, delivered by Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney at Davos, in January. But all is not lost. Who seems to be getting lost in the mayhem of his own making is Donald Trump himself, the President of the United States and the world’s disruptor in chief.
After a year of issuing executive orders of all kinds, President Trump is being forced to retreat in Minneapolis, Minnesota, by the public reaction to the knee-jerk shooting and killing of two protesters in three weeks by federal immigration control and border patrol agents. The latter have been sent by the Administration to implement Trump’s orders for the arbitrary apprehension of anyone looking like an immigrant to be followed by equally arbitrary deportation.
The Proper Way
Many Americans are not opposed to deporting illegal and criminal immigrants, but all Americans like their government to do things the proper way. It is not the proper way in the US to send federal border and immigration agents to swarm urban neighbourhood streets and arrest neighbours among neighbours, children among other school children, and the employed among other employees – merely because they look different, they speak with an accent, or they are not carrying their papers on their person.
Americans generally swear by the Second Amendment and its questionably interpretive right allowing them to carry guns. But they have no tolerance when they see government forces turn their guns on fellow citizens. Trump and his administration cronies went too far and now the chickens are coming home to roost. Barely a month has passed in 2026, but Trump’s second term has already run into multiple storms.
There’s more to come between now and midterm elections in November. In the highly entrenched American system of checks and balances it is virtually impossible to throw a government out of office – lock, stock and barrel. Trump will complete his term, but more likely as a lame duck than an ordering executive. At the same time, the wounds that he has created will linger long even after he is gone.
Equally on the external front, it may not be possible to immediately reverse the disruptions caused by Trump after his term is over, but other countries and leaders are beginning to get tired of him and are looking for alternatives bypassing Trump, and by the same token bypassing the US. His attempt to do a Venezuela over Greenland has been spectacularly pushed back by a belatedly awakening Europe and America’s other western allies such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand. The wags have been quick to remind us that he is mostly a TACO (Trump always chickens out) Trump.
Grandiose Scheme or Failure
His grandiose scheme to establish a global Board of Peace with himself as lifetime Chair is all but becoming a starter. No country or leader of significant consequence has accepted the invitation. The motley collection of acceptors includes five East European countries, three Central Asian countries, eight Middle Eastern countries, two from South America, and four from Asia – Cambodia, Vietnam, Indonesia and Pakistan. The latter’s rush to join the club will foreclose any chance of India joining the Board. Countries are allowed a term of three years, but if you cough up $1 billion, could be member for life. Trump has declared himself to be lifetime chair of the Board, but he is not likely to contribute a dime. He might claim expenses, though. The Board of Peace was meant to be set up for the restoration of Gaza, but Trump has turned it into a retirement project for himself.
There is also the ridiculous absurdity of Trump continuing as chair even after his term ends and there is a different president in Washington. How will that arrangement work? If the next president turns out to be a Democrat, Trump may deny the US a seat on the board, cash or no cash. That may prove to be good for the UN and its long overdue restructuring. Although Trump’s Board has raised alarms about the threat it poses to the UN, the UN may end up being the inadvertent beneficiary of Trump’s mercurial madness.
The world is also beginning to push back on Trump’s tariffs. Rather, Trump’s tariffs are spurring other countries to forge new trade alliances and strike new trade deals. On Tuesday, India and EU struck the ‘mother of all’ trade deals between them, leaving America the poorer for it. Almost the next day , British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced in Beijing that they had struck a string of deals on travel, trade and investments. “Not a Big Bang Free Trade Deal” yet, but that seems to be the goal. The Canadian Prime Minister has been globe-trotting to strike trade deals and create investment opportunities. He struck a good reciprocal deal with China, is looking to India, and has turned to South Korea and a consortium from Germany and Norway to submit bids for a massive submarine supply contract supplemented by investments in manufacturing and mineral industries. The informal first-right-of-refusal privilege that US had in Canada for defense contracts is now gone, thanks to Trump.
The disruptions that Trump has created in the world order may not be permanent or wholly irreversible, as Prime Minister Carney warned at Davos. But even the short term effects of Trump’s disruptions will be significant to all of US trading partners, especially smaller countries like Sri Lanka. Regardless of what they think of Trump, leaders of governments have a responsibility to protect their citizens from the negative effects of Trump’s tariffs. That will be in addition to everything else that governments have to do even if they do not have Trump’s disruptions to deal with.
Bland or Boisterous
Against the backdrop of Trump-induced global convulsions, politics in Sri Lanka is in a very stable mode. This is not to diminish the difficulties and challenges that the vast majority of Sri Lankans are facing – in meeting their daily needs, educating their children, finding employment for the youth, accessing timely health care and securing affordable care for the elderly. The challenges are especially severe for those devastated by cyclone Ditwah.
Politically, however, the government is not being tested by the opposition. And the once boisterous JVP/NPP has suddenly become ‘bland’ in government. “Bland works,” is a Canadian political quote coined by Bill Davis a nationally prominent premier of the Province of Ontario. Davis was responding to reporters looking for dramatic politics instead of boring blandness. He was Premier of Ontario for 14 years (1971-1985) and won four consecutive elections before retiring.
No one knows for how long the NPP government will be in power in Sri Lanka or how many more elections it is going to win, but there is no question that the government is singularly focused on winning the next parliamentary election, or both the presidential and parliamentary elections – depending on what happens to the system of directly electing the executive president.
The government is trying to grow comfortable in being on cruise control to see through the next parliamentary election. Its critics on the other hand, are picking on anything that happens on any day to blame or lampoon the government. The government for all its tight control of its members and messaging is not being able to put out quickly the fires that have been erupting. There are the now recurrent matters of the two AGs (non-appointment of the Auditor General and alleged attacks on the Attorney General) and the two ERs (Educational Reform and Electricity Reform), the timing of the PC elections, and the status of constitutional changes to end the system of directly electing the president.
There are also criticisms of high profile resignations due to government interference and questionable interdictions. Two recent resignations have drawn public attention and criticism, viz., the resignation of former Air Chief Marshal Harsha Abeywickrama from his position as the Chairman of Airport & Aviation Services, and the earlier resignation of Attorney-at-Law Ramani Jayasundara from her position as Chair of the National Women’s Commission. Both have been attributed to political interferences. In addition, the interdiction of the Deputy Secretary General of Parliament has also raised eyebrows and criticisms. The interdiction in parliament could not have come at a worse time for the government – just before the passing away of Nihal Seniviratne, who had served Sri Lanka’s parliament for 33 years and the last 13 of them as its distinguished Secretary General.
In a more political sense, echoes of the old JVP boisterousness periodically emanate in the statements of the JVP veteran and current Cabinet Minister K.D. Lal Kantha. Newspaper columnists love to pounce on his provocative pronouncements and make all manner of prognostications. Mr. Lal Kantha’s latest reported musing was that: “It is true our government is in power, but we still don’t have state power. We will bring about a revolution soon and seize state power as well.”
This was after he had reportedly taken exception to filmmaker Asoka Handagama’s one liner: “governing isn’t as easy as it looks when you are in the opposition,” and allegedly threatened to answer such jibes no matter who stood in the way and what they were wearing “black robes, national suits or the saffron.” Ironically, it was the ‘saffron part’ that allegedly led to the resignation of Harsha Abeywickrama from the Airport & Aviation Services. And President AKD himself has come under fire for his Thaipongal Day statement in Jaffna about Sinhala Buddhist pilgrims travelling all the way from the south to observe sil at the Tiisa Vihare in Thayiddy, Jaffna.
The Vihare has been the subject of controversy as it was allegedly built under military auspices on the property of local people who evacuated during the war. Being a master of the spoken word, the President could have pleaded with the pilgrims to show some sensitivity and empathy to the displaced Tamil people rather than blaming them (pilgrims) of ‘hatred.’ The real villains are those who sequestered property and constructed the building, and the government should direct its ire on them and not the pilgrims.
In the scheme of global things, Sri Lanka’s political skirmishes are still teacup storms. Yet it is never nice to spill your tea in public. Public embarrassments can be politically hurtful. As for Minister Lal Kantha’s distinction between governmental mandate and state power – this is a false dichotomy in a fundamentally practical sense. He may or may not be aware of it, but this distinction quite pre-occupied the ideologues of the 1970-75 United Front government. Their answer of appointing Permanent Secretaries from outside the civil service was hardly an answer, and in some instances the cure turned out to be worse than the disease.
As well, what used to be a leftist pre-occupation is now a right wing insistence especially in America with Trump’s identification of the so called ‘deep state’ as the enemy of the people. I don’t think the NPP government wants to go there. Rather, it should show creative originality in making the state, whether deep or shallow, to be of service to the people. There is a general recognition that the government has been doing just that in providing redress to the people impacted by the cyclone. A sign of that recognition is the number of people contributing to the disaster relief fund and in substantial amounts. The government should not betray this trust but build on it for the benefit of all. And better do it blandly than boisterously.
by Rajan Philips
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