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Lure of govt. service

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Government clerks

Underdevelopment and the Ruhuna Diaspora

In the Southern Province, comprising the districts of Hambantota, Galle and Matara, where NU grew up and had his education, the economic opportunities and prospects for social advancement for educated youth were limited. Many young people, such as NU, were obliged to leave their natal villages for employment outside; and the list of distinguished Sri Lankans who were originally from modest origins in Southern villages is impressive. They were usually the sons of cultivators or minor government employees. Contributing to this situation was the prevailing character of the economy, which provides the background for understanding the path of NU’s career and his flight from the South.

A glance at the economy will reveal the nature of the problem. In the Hambantota district, which was thinly populated and resourcepoor, the economy continued to remain undeveloped, and incapable of meeting employment and income needs. Several factors, which account for the undeveloped state of the economy of the Southern Province, were researched and reported on in the late 1930s and early 1940s by B.B. Das Gupta, Professor of Economics of the University of Ceylon. The report revealed low productivity, chronically

so in paddy, where the smallness of holdings discouraged improvements. Family incomes included the earnings of large numbers of women who found employment in spinning coir, or making rope, but their earnings were described as a ‘dole’ rather than an income. In many cases, productive assets were held by absentee interests who found that, to “live on the village it was not necessary to live in the village.” Das Gupta also reported that “people desert the village, settle in towns and manage their properties as absentee owners.”

The process of dispossession and impoverishment of the districts of the Southern Province was hastened by the control exercised over petty producers by traders, shopkeepers and moneylenders at village level. The prevalence of absentee ownership caught Das Gupta’s eye. “A considerable amount of land is in the hands of outsiders… Thus the villager stands largely dispossessed in his own village,” he wrote, noting that in Hambantota there was a swallowing up of land by outsiders. The forces thus described in the 1940s would have had an earlier origin – being operative in the 1920s, when NU was embarking on his career, and were probably prevalent even before that. Thus, the economy of the Southern districts was characterized by low productivity, and the income generated accrued mainly to outsiders, who reinvested or spent their income in urban localities. The problem of inadequate employment and income in the districts was aggravated by increases in both the overall population and the number of educated youth.

The nature of the colonial economy, and the expansion in education, gave rise to groups with sharply differing degrees of occupational and social mobility. Due to the intermittent nature of their work, paddy-growing peasants stayed in their natal villages, heavily underemployed but attached to family farms, while persons without any access to land tried their fortunes elsewhere. The latter consisted of two types. The first were those with no education and no land, but with mainly their wits to rely on, who had nothing to lose. The second were those who, like NU, had acquired an education in English and aspired to white-collar employment in public service (as clerks and teachers) or in commercial offices in Colombo.

These two streams of people collectively constituted an invisible export of services. Both the educated and the less skilled had to move on from their villages of origin to obtain employment and try to improve their economic position and social status. NU was a part of this Southern Province exodus of people of all classes to Colombo and elsewhere in the island, to areas where there were economic opportunities. Numerous shops with names evocative of their Southern origins, such as ‘Matara Stores’ and ‘Weligama Stores,’ could

be found in many other provinces. In addition, persons from the Southern and Western provinces dominated the arrack and tavern trade in other parts of the island.

The Passion for Education

In 1893, the Ceylon Review described the attachment to white-collar work, where, for the sake of status, persons would forego higher incomes elsewhere (K. Jayawardena, 1972, p.12).The Commissioner of the 1911 Census, E.B. Denham, was perceptive about the class aspirations of rural society and claimed that among “the most remarkable features” of the decade 1901 to 1911 was “the rush to education,” which he describes as “an enormous demand” based on “a passion for education” (Denham, 1912, p.399, emphasis added). It was for an education in the English language, for which there was such “a popular clamour.” Rural traders, landowners and cultivators all over Sri Lanka were ambitious for their sons to enter government service or the professions, and thereby improve the fortunes and status of the whole family. As in many countries, village youth in Sri Lanka sought to move away from rural economic stagnation, and in Denham’s words, escape:

… from manual toil, from work… they regard as degrading, in an education which will enable them to pass examinations… [leading] to posts in offices in the towns… [entitling] the holders to the respect of the class from which they believe they have emancipated themselves. (ibid, p.399)

Farmers

In the 19th century, the clerical service at all levels was dominated by Burghers, who set the pace for other locals in their lifestyles and behaviour patterns. As Deloraine Brohier writes:

The Burghers had a headstart in education… they were the most literate of the local ethnic groups [and were] modern in outlook, [with] a strong preference for the security afforded by government service. (Brohier, 1993, p.18)

The writer William Digby, had commented in 1879, that Burghers took to professions “styled genteel” and that the “greatest ambition… cherished by a Burgher lad is to get into government service” (1879, pp.34-35). In the 1901 Census, it was noted that Burghers were the “backbone of the clerical service,” with one in four Burghers being dependent on government service, the figures for Sinhalese and Tamils being only one in a hundred. But the proportions changed in the 20th century when English-educated Sinhalese, Tamils and

Muslims entered the service. The earliest Sinhalese and Tamils to join government service not only emulated Burghers in their lifestyles, but also became ambitious for their children to move ahead and enter the ranks of the English-educated middle class. Hence the jostling for promotion and advancement in the ranks of the clerical service was fairly strong, even leading (as noted earlier) to some ethnic tensions based on competition between Sinhalese and Tamils for the limited posts in government service.

The middle-class lifestyle, which such employment encouraged, often led to clerical servants becoming indebted, and having to borrow from moneylenders. Apart from a pattern of expenditure that pressed hard on their level of income, a contributory factor to their indebtedness was the lack of a good return on their savings. With the caution of the middle class, they preferred fixed deposits in Post Office Savings Banks and in Benevolent Societies, providing a low but dependable income with no appreciation in capital value, rather than investments that could give a higher return, but were morerisky. However, the positive attributes of government employment outweighed this constraint.

In 1911, there were 5,400 government clerks, not including junior technical assistants and field employees in the public utilities. There were perhaps many more persons holding clerical or quasiclerical positions in mercantile firms, banks, insurance agencies, shipping companies and so on. However, the prestige attached to employment in the public service was far greater. Young men saw in government service their way up the social ladder of success. NU, who had started life in Hambantota and progressed to Tangalle, Matara and Galle, was heir to some of these influences. Like many ambitious youth he had wanted to be a doctor, but as he often recalled, his father could not finance him to do further studies.

Clerical service was one option, and became the ‘way out’ for NU in economic and social terms.

The Clerical Service as a Stepping Stone

The British rulers had recognized the need for an efficient clerical service run by locals in all parts of the island, to attend to day-to53 day matters, and to keep the records and correspondence of the colonial administration. Clerical work was crucial for the running of government offices and law courts, as well as the port, customs, railways, and other revenue departments. Those who entered the clerical service were considered privileged; they had now moved into the respectable world of government service and no longer had to seek employment in agriculture, fisheries or manual labour. Class 2 of the clerical service especially was the big leap forward. The service was divided into graded classes (1, 2 & 3) with salaries and benefits graded accordingly – the ‘class’ was important. A.E.H. Sanderatne (1975, p.6) describes an amusing and revealing incident. A telegram, said to have been sent by an officer in Class 3 to his father, on his success at the Clerical Examination, read: “Passed Clerical, coming home. Erect pandal, cook kiributh, prepare welcome, invite friends and relations.” His fellow officers nicknamed him “Kiributh” (milkrice) and it stuck to him from his promotion to Class 2.

As described earlier, the underdeveloped condition of the economy drastically curtailed the ‘respectable’ options that were open to educated young men of the time. The options were confined to clerical employment and, given the very limited development of the private sector in trade and industry, they were also mostly in the government service. The main requirement was a secondary education and proficiency in English. By contrast, upper-class land and plantation owners, liquor renters and graphite-mine owners could afford to give their children a higher education, sometimes abroad, qualifying them for the professions or enabling them to become government servants and commercial executives. With inherited wealth and some capital in their hands they could run their own enterprises as western-styled businessmen or plantation owners.

However, for the numerous members of the middle and lowermiddle classes, it was the clerical service that was within the range of the possible. The clerical service was not just a means of gainful livelihood, but included the attractions of employment security, a regular income, a pensionable post, and usually a good dowry. Financial security lasted beyond the individual’s lifetime, and included pensions for widows and orphans. “Permanent and pensionable” was almost a magic password that opened the door to a secure life, and along with a monthly salary and security of income, there was also status attached to government employment.

When a competitive examination direct to Class 2 was begun in 1874 to recruit intelligent young men from outside the service, many were attracted to this prospect, among them the sons of traders. For example, Hewavitarnege Don Carolis (founder of the furniture stores Don Carolis) encouraged his son David – who later became the famed Buddhist revivalist Anagarika Dharmapala – to sit this examination: “While touring remote villages he received information of his success at the General Clerical Service Examination – an extraordinary distinction for a Sinhala boy in 1886” (Sanderatne, 1975, p.8).

Although his family was attracted by the prospect, Dharmapala gave up the idea of such a career, to join Colonel Henry Olcott and Helena Blavatsky in their work as Theosophists for the revival of Buddhism and Buddhist education. ( Colonel Henry Steele Olcott (1832-1907), who had served in the American Civil War, and the Russian spiritualist Helena Blavatsky (1831-1891) founded the Theosophical Society (1875) in New York. They came to Sri Lanka in 1880, where they helped establish the Buddhist Theosophical Society. Olcott is best remembered for the active support he gave to the campaign to revive and defend Buddhism in Sri Lanka – particularly in his efforts to promote schools with a Buddhist orientation. A Bhikku reformist of the time, Sri Sumangala Thero, referred to Olcott as “a second Asoka.” (see Kumari Jayawardena, 1972, pp.46-51) Later, Dharmapala on his own initiative formed the Maha Bodhi Society to promote Buddhism.

The penchant for attaining social mobility through admission to clerical jobs was not confined to the colonies. Even in Britain, skilled workers wanted their sons to ‘move on.’ One interesting example, similar to NU’s experience, was that of Ivor Jennings (five years older than NU), the first Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, who in his autobiography wrote that his father, a carpenter from Bristol, wanted his son to pass the Matriculation:

… not for the purpose of going to a university… but in order to obtain one of the better clerical jobs in the city of Bristol, For the Jennings family, and many other families, this was the height of ambition. (Jennings, 2005, p.226, emphasis added)

The men who became government clerks – there being no women in the clerical services at this time – also became part of a hierarchically ordered structure, and had taken an important step on the social ladder, moving up one rung to lower-middle-class status. The clerk, in his western dress, commanded respect from those lower down the social scale. He was now a ‘gentleman,’ and, most importantly, exempted from manual labour (to which by conditioning he was made averse). As a government servant, he exercised more than a semblance of authority over the public in the course of their dealings with the state. He also had good prospects of a ‘promising’ marriage, and was spoken to with respect and addressed as ‘mahatmaya.’

For a person in NU’s position, there were only two feasible career alternatives after leaving school – one, to become a teacher, and the other, to join the government service. Young NU was drawn to the first option; however, a career in government service was the path that he was to take – and was where he would spend the first 30 years of his long career. Nevertheless, he continued to aspire to academic achievement and through his tenaciousness and discipline would succeed in juggling his studies for a university degree while holding a fulltime job.

(N.U. JAYAWARDENA The First Five Decades Chapter 4 can read online on https://island.lk/influence-of-st-aloysius-and-its-teachers/

(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENA The first five decades)
By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda

In the nineteen twenties great importance was given to success in the Class 2
(of the Clerical Service) Examination.
Parents considered it a fitting occasion for great rejoicing and celebration…

(A.E.H. Sanderatne, 1975, p.6)



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Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant

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On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.

At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.

To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.

The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.

In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.

Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”

In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.

The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.

In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.

This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances

from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’

My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.

Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.

In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.

Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.

Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.

For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.

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Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads

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Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.

Cnemaspis rajakarunai (Adult Male), Salgala, Kegalle District (In a communal egg laying site)

According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.

Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap

Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.

“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”

The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.

Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure

Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.

“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”

Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.

“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.

Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer

The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.

“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”

Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.

Narrow Ranges, Small Populations

Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.

“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”

Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.

Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures

The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.

“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”

Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.

Science Must Shape Conservation Policy

Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.

“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”

The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.

A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy

Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.

“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Online work compatibility of education tablets

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Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices

The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.

Compatible Categories of Online Work

At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.

At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.

A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.

Functional Capabilities and Limitations

It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.

Device Suitability for Dual Use

Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.

Power and Energy Considerations

In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.

Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context

From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.

Strategic National Value

The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.

Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework

Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.

Performance Indicators

From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.

We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”

by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️

 

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