Opinion
Looking beyond Vesak
by Rohana R. Wasala
It seems that persistent attacks directed in different forms at the historic Buddhist cultural establishment of Sri Lanka are based on the deliberate misconception or the distorted perception that the Buddhist worldview is entirely pessimistic, life denying, backward, divisive, xenophobic, and that the demoralising defeatist attitudes supposedly adopted by the majority Sinhalese Buddhist community have blighted the onward march of the island nation’s economic and human development over the past seventy-six years of independence allegedly leading to the recent sudden economic collapse and bankruptcy of the country. However, the actual causes of the prevailing economic despair and political instability are not far to seek as is plainly known to any unbiased observer:
these are pressures from competing global powers in the arena of regional geopolitics due to Sri Lanka’s strategic geographical location, the after effects of the catastrophic pandemic visitation and other natural and artificial disasters, internal power politics, subversive NGO activities, corruption among politicians, bureaucrats and business interests, and so on, to name some of the obvious reasons behind the almost sudden economic and political decline.
Ill-informed Buddhism bashers don’t talk about any of these real causes, except the last, that too, only to highlight the corruption of the SLPP politicians who, with a handful of exceptions, it is now clear, are rogues in nationalist garb, and have betrayed the cause that enabled them to get to parliament, for narrow antisocial personal ends, thereby rendering the power of the popular mandate given them with a two-thirds majority at the 2019 and 2020 elections null and void. But, at the same time, there is an unwarranted coupling of corrupt politicians with their hapless victims, the 6.9 million, who returned them to power out of their excusable ignorance and innocence.
Blaming arbitrarily all the economic and political ills of the past on Buddhism and Buddhists has led to an unacceptable denial of justice and democracy to the multiethnic Sri Lankan population including the Sinhalese Buddhist majority, who overwhelmingly voted for a system change based on the One Country One Law principle at the 2019 presidential and 2020 parliamentary elections.
In this short piece, I will focus only on the charge that Buddhist teachings are so otherworldly and regressive that they hinder economic production by blunting the Buddhist adherents’ desire for wealth earning and comfortable living.
Desiring material or economic prosperity (implied in atthi sukhaya, the first of the four types of happiness that lay householders should seek) at the level of the individual and the society is not frowned upon in Buddhism, but rather encouraged. Working for, and achieving the right kind of economic security and stability for enjoying a fulfilling, virtuous worldly life by the lay householder and the society in general is something that the Buddha repeatedly advocated. In Buddhist literature, we come across the following story: Once, Sakka, the king of gods, was asked by Matali, his charioteer: “My Lord, when all the world worships you, who are you worshipping?” Sakka answered: “I pay homage to those householders who lead righteous lives, and nourish their wives and children according to (the tenets of) the Dhamma”. Desire for a happy contented lay life enjoying sensual pleasures in the right way (which aspiration is a reasonable motive for acquiring material wealth) should not be confused with the profound Buddhist concept of tanha (or thirst, craving, greed that causes the unsatisfactoriness/suffering or dukkha covered in the first of the Four Noble Truths, which express the essence of Buddhism).
The Buddha delineates four types of happiness that can be experienced by lay householders in the Anana sutta or Discourse on freedom from financial indebtedness: 1) atthi sukha: the happiness of earning wealth by just and righteous means, 2) bhoga sukha: the happiness of spending the wealth thus earned liberally on one’s family, friends and for doing meritorious deeds for general welfare, 3) anana sukha: the happiness of being free from debts, and 4) anavajja sukha: the happiness of living a blameless life without committing evil in mind, body, and speech.
So, the Buddha did not dismiss gihi saepa or normal sensual pleasures indulged in by ordinary people living a lay/worldly life as something to be avoided as a hindrance to one’s progress towards emancipation from endless samsaric wandering through the realization of nibbana. But a Buddhist is not expected to sacrifice everything and everyone in their life for that end. Nibbana/Nirvana is the summum bonum of Buddhism, the highest good or the ultimate spiritual goal that is attainable through perfected ethical conduct by following the Noble Eightfold Path. To do this an individual need not entirely give up a householder’s life. Nibbana is to be achieved while a person is still living, either in this life itself or in a subsequent one.
A happy peaceful society supported by material prosperity is a primary target of Buddhism. The symbolic formula that used to be often quoted not long ago by supporters of the long entrenched goal of turning our country into an economically stable independent nation exploiting its natural and human resources to the optimum level based on the typically secular-friendly Buddhist principles was the quartet gamai pansalai wewai dagabai “the village, the pansala/vihara, the waewa/tank, and the dagaba/chaitya (place of worship)”. This, of course, does not mean that Sri Lanka’s economy should be an exclusively agrarian one, or a rigid Buddhist religious state-run system.
According to the most recent census statistics (2022), in terms of religious affiliation, Sinhalese Buddhists constitute 70.2% (or roughly 15 million) of the 22.18 million total Sri Lankan population. The Sinhalese ethnic community of about 16 million including non-Buddhist Sinhalese account for three fourths of the total population; so, the remaining one quarter of the population comprises other ethnic groups. I take ‘Sri Lankan population’ to mean all the people who inhabit the island of Sri Lanka as their home forming a single ‘Sri Lankan nation’. Out of this the Sinhalese Buddhist religious majority is today facing the worst existential threat ever in their unbroken Buddhist civilizational history of twenty-three centuries purely for complex internal and external political and economic reasons that arise from its geopolitically, commercially and strategically vital geographical location in the new designated Indo-Pacific region.
Sinhalese Buddhists and Hindu Tamils respectively form 70.2% and 12.6% of the total population; Christian/Catholics account for 7.4% and Muslims 9.7%. The different communities have coexisted in Sri Lanka in peace and harmony for centuries absorbing the benign influence of Buddhist culture. When free from deliberately divisive religion-based politics, and externally imposed constraints, this sound state of affairs will go on undisturbed and help Sri Lanka forge ahead as a modern nation. The much-touted ‘reconciliation’ concept is a fake construction whose ultimate aim is the total disintegration of the unitary Sri Lankan state.
Of vital importance for the peaceful survival of our Sri Lankan nation is the fact that the solidarity and cooperation between the two larger communities of Buddhists and Hindus (70.2% + 12.6% = 82.8%) who in common espouse similar, intrinsically accommodating, and non-proselytising, non-totalitarian, basically secular religious cultural values, emerges as the key to the restoration of permanent national unity that has been gravely undermined by meddling global and regional players pursuing rival geopolitical interests in the Indo-Pacific region and by the handful of their self-seeking local agents and allies. Such unity between Tamil Hindu and Sinhalese Buddhist Sri Lankans will be a communal lodestone for attracting fellow Christian/Catholic and Muslim minorities towards stronger social integration with them. The Vesak period provides an excellent opportunity for all patriotic Sri Lankans to focus on this all-important theme in the name of our children.
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
Opinion
Speaker’s dilemma
The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.
Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.
From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.
As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.
Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.
The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.
WILLIAM
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