Features
LOKUBANDARA; Mr SPEAKER AND ORATOR
by Sarath Amunugama
It is a tragic coincidence that two emblematic figures of JR Jayewardene’s historic 1977 victory – Neville Fernando and WJM Lokubandara-should succumb to the Covid virus within a period of two weeks. Both were over 80 years old, having entered UNP politics over half a century ago. JRJ recruited many popular regional personalities who could stand up to the powerful United Front veterans who had been in politics for a long time.
Neville Fernando was a popular medical practitioner who had his dispensary in the heart of Panadura town. He had hundreds of patients who believed in his ‘’ath gune’’ (healing touch) and the care and commitment he brought to his profession. His rival was Leslie Goonewardene –the Secretary and unostentatious financier of the LSSP. He was the Minister of Comunications till he was dismissed by Mrs Bandaranaike when NM Perera refused to retract his sarcastic comments about Mr Bandaranaikes credentials as a leftist leader. In the 1977 general election Leslie lost to Neville Fernando by over ten thousand votes. Not only Leslie but all the leaders of the LSSP lost their seats and did not enter Parliament ever again. Colvin was nominated for the single National List set procured by his party but died before taking his oaths.
The four fifth majority of the UNP in 1977 turned out to be a disaster. There were no Parliamentary fetters imposed on the President in his new Gaullist constitution which was waved through by his newly elected throng of first time MPs. JRJs blunder was to use his majority to disenfranchise Mrs B on a charge sheet which was virtually written by NM and Colvin in their vote of no confidence in her after they were summarily dismissed from their ministerial positions on the instigation of Felix Bandaranaike.The departure of Mrs B opened the way for the JVP which aimed at filling that vacuum. The enmity which resulted prevented the possibility of a joint Pan –Sinhala approach to solving the ethnic crisis. Mrs B and the SLFP were driven to extremist Pro-Sinhala positions which were not visible during the United Front regime.
The Sinhala electorate could not accept Amirthalingam as the Leader of the Opposition and made it hark back to the strong image of Mrs B in the country and internationally at an earlier time. It did not do much for Amirthalingam either. The militant Tamil Youth looked on it as an act of collaboration and a betrayal of their militant activites. By accepting the post of Leader of the Opposition at JRJs urging, Amirthalingam literally signed his death warrant and also those of his senior party colleagues who were later massacred in their homes and offices.
Neville Fernando with his personal affluence and reputation as a political giant killer openly clashed with the President on this issue and was kicked out by JRJ, who scrupulously followed resignation protocols regarding the departure of others like MDH Jayawardene and Gamini Jayasuriya. He regretted their decision and thanked them for their services. Neville Fernando did not receive any such ‘’send off’.’ I remember that Gamini Dissanayake and Anandatissa de Alwis were also against this move but had to remain silent as they were cabinet ministers.
Gamini Dissanayake had visited Hector Kobbekaduwa at his Aloe Avenue residence. This had been seen by Gamini Atukorale who had sneaked to JRJ and the President was furious, even telling some of his confidantes that he was thinking of removing him from the Cabinet. At Gamini D’s urging I convinced my Minister Anandatissa to support him and together they were able to abate the Presidents fury. Gamini D and Atukorale remained enemies till the end. Premadasa as President encouraged this vendetta by appointing Atukorale to succeed Gamini in the Land and Mahaveli Ministry.
When Lokubandara was made the UNP organiser for Haputale many of the old guard sent petitions. JRJ asked Gamini D to look into them . He rightly decided that Uva needed ‘’Bhumiputra ‘’representation and supported WJM. Even now many of the Uva MPS are outsiders who have established links there.The estate voter bloc does not care about the origins of the candidates. I saw on U Tube that one of Lokubandara’s last speeches was a passionate appeal to his voters in Haputale to remember that his son was an authentic Kandyan.
Lokubandara’s rise in the political firmament was a tribute to the social welfare measures undertaken in our country after the introduction of adult universal franchise. A boy born in a remote village near Diyatalawa, he was taken by an idealistic teacher who saw his potential to Bandarawela Central College where he excelled in his studies. As a schoolboy he won an all island oratorical contest and that became his metier. He graduated as an external student of London University – a sure sign in our day that the candidate was serious about his education and was upwardly mobile. This was confirmed by his passing out as a lawyer from our Law College and mastering the English language. Then he joined the Legal Draftsmans Department which was woefully short of staff proficient in Sinhala, English and the Law. He made a distinctive contribution by translating legislation available in English to Sinhala, even by coining new Sinhala words which is a speciality of the ‘’Hela Hawula’’of which he was a distinguished member as a Sinhala purist.
Professor KNO Dharmadasa has paid a tribute to WJM as a Sinhala scholar of the highest rank. His numerous books and articles attest to his eminence. I would pick his book interpreting some of the verses inscribed on the mirror wall of Sigirya entitled ‘’Sigiri Gee Siri’’as one of his best. All ‘’Hela Hawula’’enthusiasts are marked by their fascination with the evolution of what they believe to be the ‘pure‘ Sinhala in contrast to mixed or ’mishra’ Sinhala which show the influence of Sanskrit and Pali. Though some’’Hela’’ fanatics are stimulated by their jigsaw puzzle approach, WJM belonged to a less orthodox school and retained good relations with the linguists of the Peradeniya school who were acolytes of Sugathapala de Silva, the father of modern Sinhala structural linguistics. This obsession with the history of the evolution of Sinhala words can be an advantage in the appreciation of period poetry of the type found on the mirror wall.
Since Paranaviratne had copied, deciphered and translated to English and published this graffiti in his truly monumental work entitled ‘’Sigiri Graffiti’’scholars had easy access to the poems. Lokubandara with his knowledge of the evolution of words does a brilliant analysis of some of the verses which, I’m sure, would have drawn the approval of Paranavitarne if he was alive.
WJM was a brilliant orator. In my opinion he was the best orator that the UNP ever had. He was even better than Premadasa who was no mean speaker. Unlike Premadasa he was not venomous and offensive. WJM had a total command of the language and brought a folksy humour and sarcasm which had the audience in fits of laughter. Ranil made a bad mistake in immobilising his chief attack orator by making him Speaker of the House. During Ranil’s leadership the UNP’s frontline speakers were boring, badly briefed and lacking in magnetism. When he and other leaders came up to the mike, the audience started to head for home uninspired and uneducated. What a debacle for a party platform that had the likes of Premadasa, Gamini, Lalith, Ronnie ,Anandatissa and G. M Premachandra If Lokubandara continued in active UNP politics, in a few years he would have been a strong contender for the leadership of the UNP which was losing votes day by day ending up with no elected representatives – a fate none could envisage in the pre-Ranil age.
I had a good personal rapport with WJM because of our common interests. We had many mutual friends. I may be one of the few alive today who attended his wedding and the party afterwards in Araliya Gardens in Nugegoda. The Weerasekeras – the bride Malathi’s uncles were my friends from Peradeniya days. Her uncle P.Weerasekera of the SLAS read Sociology at the University when we were a small group on Campus.He later became the DRO of Hiniduma and I used to frequent his quarters in Tawalama when researching in the villages in the vicinity with Gananath Obeyesekere. I was invited as a guest from Malathi’s side. Since then I belonged to his group of close friends whom he invariably addressed as ‘’Macho.’’ As Speaker he was exceedingly kind to me when I was on my feet in the House.
The circumstances of WJM s death is tragic and leaves us in dismay. If he had been vaccinated he would not have died. Mr SWRD Bandaranaike was assassinated by Somarama, a Buddhist monk and a self proclaimed Ayurvedic physician. He was being promoted by the then Minister of Health Wimala Wijewardene. In our time too the Health Ministry was unfortunately side tracked by faith healers and snake oil salesmen when it should have been on the lookout for an early procuring of the vaccine. The Irony and tragedy is that in both cases –Bandaranaike and Lokubandara – dysfunctional nativism has taken the lives of two of its most dynamic advocates.
Features
Cyclones, greed and philosophy for a new world order
Further to my earlier letter titled, “Psychology of Greed and Philosophy for a New World Order” (The Island 26.11.2025) it may not be far-fetched to say that the cause of the devastating cyclones that hit Sri Lanka and Indonesia last week could be traced back to human greed. Cyclones of this magnitude are said to be unusual in the equatorial region but, according to experts, the raised sea surface temperatures created the conditions for their occurrence. This is directly due to global warming which is caused by excessive emission of Greenhouse gases due to burning of fossil fuels and other activities. These activities cannot be brought under control as the rich, greedy Western powers do not want to abide by the terms and conditions agreed upon at the Paris Agreement of 2015, as was seen at the COP30 meeting in Brazil recently. Is there hope for third world countries? This is why the Global South must develop a New World Order. For this purpose, the proposed contentment/sufficiency philosophy based on morals like dhana, seela, bhavana, may provide the necessary foundation.
Further, such a philosophy need not be parochial and isolationist. It may not be necessary to adopt systems that existed in the past that suited the times but develop a system that would be practical and also pragmatic in the context of the modern world.
It must be reiterated that without controlling the force of collective greed the present destructive socioeconomic system cannot be changed. Hence the need for a philosophy that incorporates the means of controlling greed. Dhana, seela, bhavana may suit Sri Lanka and most of the East which, as mentioned in my earlier letter, share a similar philosophical heritage. The rest of the world also may have to adopt a contentment / sufficiency philosophy with strong and effective tenets that suit their culture, to bring under control the evil of greed. If not, there is no hope for the existence of the world. Global warming will destroy it with cyclones, forest fires, droughts, floods, crop failure and famine.
Leading economists had commented on the damaging effect of greed on the economy while philosophers, ancient as well as modern, had spoken about its degenerating influence on the inborn human morals. Ancient philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, and Epicurus all spoke about greed, viewing it as a destructive force that hindered a good life. They believed greed was rooted in personal immorality and prevented individuals from achieving true happiness by focusing on endless material accumulation rather than the limited wealth needed for natural needs.
Jeffry Sachs argues that greed is a destructive force that undermines social and environmental well-being, citing it as a major driver of climate change and economic inequality, referencing the ideas of Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, etc. Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel Laureate economist, has criticised neoliberal ideology in similar terms.
In my earlier letter, I have discussed how contentment / sufficiency philosophy could effectively transform the socioeconomic system to one that prioritises collective well-being and sufficiency over rampant consumerism and greed, potentially leading to more sustainable economic models.
Obviously, these changes cannot be brought about without a change of attitude, morals and commitment of the rulers and the government. This cannot be achieved without a mass movement; people must realise the need for change. Such a movement would need leadership. In this regard a critical responsibility lies with the educated middle class. It is they who must give leadership to the movement that would have the goal of getting rid of the evil of excessive greed. It is they who must educate the entire nation about the need for these changes.
The middle class would be the vanguard of change. It is the middle class that has the capacity to bring about change. It is the middle class that perform as a vibrant component of the society for political stability. It is the group which supplies political philosophy, ideology, movements, guidance and leaders for the rest of the society. The poor, who are the majority, need the political wisdom and leadership of the middle class.
Further, the middle class is the font of culture, creativity, literature, art and music. Thinkers, writers, artistes, musicians are fostered by the middle class. Cultural activity of the middle class could pervade down to the poor groups and have an effect on their cultural development as well. Similarly, education of a country depends on how educated the middle class is. It is the responsibility of the middle class to provide education to the poor people.
Most importantly, the morals of a society are imbued in the middle class and it is they who foster them. As morals are crucial in the battle against greed, the middle class assume greater credentials to spearhead the movement against greed and bring in sustainable development and growth. Contentment sufficiency philosophy, based on morals, would form the strong foundation necessary for achieving the goal of a new world order. Thus, it is seen that the middle class is eminently suitable to be the vehicle that could adopt and disseminate a contentment/ sufficiency philosophy and lead the movement against the evil neo-liberal system that is destroying the world.
The Global South, which comprises the majority of the world’s poor, may have to realise, before it is too late, that it is they who are the most vulnerable to climate change though they may not be the greatest offenders who cause it. Yet, if they are to survive, they must get together and help each other to achieve self-sufficiency in the essential needs, like food, energy and medicine. Trade must not be via exploitative and weaponised currency but by means of a barter system, based on purchase power parity (PPP). The union of these countries could be an expansion of organisations,like BRICS, ASEAN, SCO, AU, etc., which already have the trade and financial arrangements though in a rudimentary state but with great potential, if only they could sort out their bilateral issues and work towards a Global South which is neither rich nor poor but sufficient, contented and safe, a lesson to the Global North. China, India and South Africa must play the lead role in this venture. They would need the support of a strong philosophy that has the capacity to fight the evil of greed, for they cannot achieve these goals if fettered by greed. The proposed contentment / sufficient philosophy would form a strong philosophical foundation for the Global South, to unite, fight greed and develop a new world order which, above all, will make it safe for life.
by Prof. N. A. de S. Amaratunga
PHD, DSc, DLITT
Features
SINHARAJA: The Living Cathedral of Sri Lanka’s Rainforest Heritage
When Senior biodiversity scientist Vimukthi Weeratunga speaks of Sinharaja, his voice carries the weight of four decades spent beneath its dripping emerald canopy. To him, Sri Lanka’s last great rainforest is not merely a protected area—it is “a cathedral of life,” a sanctuary where evolution whispers through every leaf, stream and shadow.
“Sinharaja is the largest and most precious tropical rainforest we have,” Weeratunga said.
“Sixty to seventy percent of the plants and animals found here exist nowhere else on Earth. This forest is the heart of endemic biodiversity in Sri Lanka.”
A Magnet for the World’s Naturalists
Sinharaja’s allure lies not in charismatic megafauna but in the world of the small and extraordinary—tiny, jewel-toned frogs; iridescent butterflies; shy serpents; and canopy birds whose songs drift like threads of silver through the mist.
“You must walk slowly in Sinharaja,” Weeratunga smiled.
“Its beauty reveals itself only to those who are patient and observant.”
For global travellers fascinated by natural history, Sinharaja remains a top draw. Nearly 90% of nature-focused visitors to Sri Lanka place Sinharaja at the top of their itinerary, generating a deep economic pulse for surrounding communities.
A Forest Etched in History
Centuries before conservationists championed its cause, Sinharaja captured the imagination of explorers and scholars. British and Dutch botanists, venturing into the island’s interior from the 17th century onward, mapped streams, documented rare orchids, and penned some of the earliest scientific records of Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.
These chronicles now form the backbone of our understanding of the island’s unique ecology.
The Great Forest War: Saving Sinharaja
But Sinharaja nearly vanished.
In the 1970s, the government—guided by a timber-driven development mindset—greenlit a Canadian-assisted logging project. Forests around Sinharaja fell first; then, the chainsaws approached the ancient core.
“There was very little scientific data to counter the felling,” Weeratunga recalled.
- Poppie’s shrub frog
- Endemic Scimitar babblers
- Blue Magpie
“But people knew instinctively this was a national treasure.”
The public responded with one of the greatest environmental uprisings in Sri Lankan history. Conservation icons Thilo Hoffmann and Neluwe Gunananda Thera led a national movement. After seven tense years, the new government of 1977 halted the project.
What followed was a scientific renaissance. Leading researchers—including Prof. Savithri Gunathilake and Prof. Nimal Gunathilaka, Prof. Sarath Kottagama, and others—descended into the depths of Sinharaja, documenting every possible facet of its biodiversity.
“Those studies paved the way for Sinharaja to become Sri Lanka’s very first natural World Heritage Site,” Weeratunga noted proudly.
- Vimukthi
- Nadika
- Janaka
A Book Woven From 30 Years of Field Wisdom
For Weeratunga, Sinharaja is more than academic terrain—it is home. Since joining the Forest Department in 1985 as a young researcher, he has trekked, photographed, documented and celebrated its secrets.
Now, decades later, he joins Dr. Thilak Jayaratne, the late Dr. Janaka Gallangoda, and Nadika Hapuarachchi in producing, what he calls, the most comprehensive book ever written on Sinharaja.
“This will be the first major publication on Sinharaja since the early 1980s,” he said.
“It covers ecology, history, flora, fauna—and includes rare photographs taken over nearly 30 years.”
Some images were captured after weeks of waiting. Others after years—like the mysterious mass-flowering episodes where clusters of forest giants bloom in synchrony, or the delicate jewels of the understory: tiny jumping spiders, elusive amphibians, and canopy dwellers glimpsed only once in a lifetime.
The book even includes underwater photography from Sinharaja’s crystal-clear streams—worlds unseen by most visitors.
A Tribute to a Departed Friend
Halfway through the project, tragedy struck: co-author Dr. Janaka Gallangoda passed away.
“We stopped the project for a while,” Weeratunga said quietly.
“But Dr. Thilak Jayaratne reminded us that Janaka lived for this forest. So we completed the book in his memory. One of our authors now watches over Sinharaja from above.”
An Invitation to the Public
A special exhibition, showcasing highlights from the book, will be held on 13–14 December, 2025, in Colombo.
“We cannot show Sinharaja in one gallery,” he laughed.
“But we can show a single drop of its beauty—enough to spark curiosity.”
A Forest That Must Endure
What makes the book special, he emphasises, is its accessibility.
“We wrote it in simple, clear language—no heavy jargon—so that everyone can understand why Sinharaja is irreplaceable,” Weeratunga said.
“If people know its value, they will protect it.”
To him, Sinharaja is more than a rainforest.
It is Sri Lanka’s living heritage.
A sanctuary of evolution.
A sacred, breathing cathedral that must endure for generations to come.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
How Knuckles was sold out
Leaked RTI Files Reveal Conflicting Approvals, Missing Assessments, and Silent Officials
“This Was Not Mismanagement — It Was a Structured Failure”— CEJ’s Dilena Pathragoda
An investigation, backed by newly released Right to Information (RTI) files, exposes a troubling sequence of events in which multiple state agencies appear to have enabled — or quietly tolerated — unauthorised road construction inside the Knuckles Conservation Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage site.
At the centre of the unfolding scandal is a trail of contradictory letters, unexplained delays, unsigned inspection reports, and sudden reversals by key government offices.
“What these documents show is not confusion or oversight. It is a structured failure,” said Dilena Pathragoda, Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice (CEJ), who has been analysing the leaked records.
“Officials knew the legal requirements. They ignored them. They knew the ecological risks. They dismissed them. The evidence points to a deliberate weakening of safeguards meant to protect one of Sri Lanka’s most fragile ecosystems.”
A Paper Trail of Contradictions
RTI disclosures obtained by activists reveal:
Approvals issued before mandatory field inspections were carried out
Three departments claiming they “did not authorise” the same section of the road
A suspiciously backdated letter clearing a segment already under construction
Internal memos flagging “missing evaluation data” that were never addressed
“No-objection” notes do not hold any legal weight for work inside protected areas, experts say.
One senior officer’s signature appears on two letters with opposing conclusions, sent just three weeks apart — a discrepancy that has raised serious questions within the conservation community.
“This is the kind of documentation that usually surfaces only after damage is done,” Pathragoda said. “It shows a chain of administrative behaviour designed to delay scrutiny until the bulldozers moved in.”
The Silence of the Agencies
Perhaps, more alarming is the behaviour of the regulatory bodies.
Multiple departments — including those legally mandated to halt unauthorised work — acknowledged concerns in internal exchanges but issued no public warnings, took no enforcement action, and allowed machinery to continue operating.
“That silence is the real red flag,” Pathragoda noted.
“Silence is rarely accidental in cases like this. Silence protects someone.”
On the Ground: Damage Already Visible
Independent field teams report:
Fresh erosion scars on steep slopes
Sediment-laden water in downstream streams
Disturbed buffer zones
Workers claiming that they were instructed to “complete the section quickly”
Satellite images from the past two months show accelerated clearing around the contested route.
Environmental experts warn that once the hydrology of the Knuckles slopes is altered, the consequences could be irreversible.
CEJ: “Name Every Official Involved”
CEJ is preparing a formal complaint demanding a multi-agency investigation.
Pathragoda insists that responsibility must be traced along the entire chain — from field officers to approving authorities.
“Every signature, every omission, every backdated approval must be examined,” she said.
“If laws were violated, then prosecutions must follow. Not warnings. Not transfers. Prosecutions.”
A Scandal Still Unfolding
More RTI documents are expected to come out next week, including internal audits and communication logs that could deepen the crisis for several agencies.
As the paper trail widens, one thing is increasingly clear: what happened in Knuckles is not an isolated act — it is an institutional failure, executed quietly, and revealed only because citizens insisted on answers.
by Ifham Nizam
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