Editorial
Kings, cops and cat on rock

Monday 12th October, 2020
Some of the present-day leaders seem to believe that they are the reincarnations of ancient warrior kings. A few moons ago, they unveiled a plan to establish that King Ravana was the world’s first aviator and trace his aviation routes. Mythical King Ravana has been ‘more sinned against than sinning’ and, therefore, researchers may be justified in trying to prove that he existed and was in a league of his own as an inventor, and not a wicked monarch. Our leaders, however, have not realised that they have already proved, through their conduct, that another king, who is thought to be only a character in folk stories, actually lived in this country. They have also succeeded in establishing the survival of the royal bloodline; they are unarguably the descendants of King Kekille, who punished the innocent and released the guilty in the cases he heard.
SSP Jaliya Senaratne, who was removed from the post of Police Spokesman, the other day, over his statements about former Minister Rishad Bathiudeen’s brother, Riyaj, who was arrested, detained, and released, has been transferred to Kankesanthurai, reportedly on disciplinary grounds, or, in other words, he has been given a punishment transfer. Interestingly, when the police arrested Bathiudeen’s brother, they insisted that he had associated with one of the Easter Sunday bombers. SSP Senaratne only announced their findings. Ex-Army Chief General Mahesh Senanayake, under whose command, the army crushed the National Thowheed Jamaath terror outfit, in the immediate aftermath of the Easter Sunday attacks, has recently told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry probing the Easter Sunday carnage that Riyaj helped Zahran flee the country, in 2018. One hundred SLPP MPs have written to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, protesting against the release of Riyaj. Attorney General (AG) Dappula de Livera has summoned the CID chief over the release of Riyaj, and they are scheduled to meet today. SSP Senaratne, who made a U-turn recently in a bid to help the government avoid a damaging loss of face, has been given a punishment transfer obviously at the behest of King Kekille’s descendants! Other police officers ought to learn from what has befallen their colleague, and refrain from offering their services as ventriloquists’ dummies to their political masters who do not hesitate to sacrifice them.
SLPP MP and former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC has recently told the media that some invisible forces are controlling the police. He has cited the release of Bathiudeen’s brother as an example. The SLPP MPs who have signed the aforesaid letter to the PM are engaged in an exercise in damage control. They would have the public believe that the police, on their own, released Bathiudeen’s brother. But an Opposition politician or his brother taken into custody over his alleged involvement in terrorism never gets released without the blessings of the government leaders, who are notorious for political deals. It is up to the AG to find out who actually ordered the release of Bathiudeen’s brother. (A senior police officer nearing retirement may be able to take the blame and get appointed as an ambassador.)
The President’s Media Division (PMD) thinks Riyaj’s release has been given a media twist. (Two-thirds of the government MPs—100 out of 150—believe his release was wrong!) It has taken exception to views expressed in our editorial, Lajja, on 06 Oct. An official attached to the PMD says, in a letter published on the opposite page, today, that MP Bathiudeen has not expressed his support for 20A; he has only said certain clauses therein are unacceptable to his party, and a final decision thereon will be taken on the day of voting in Parliament. Bathiudeen is too smart to declare, in public, he will vote for 20A and, thereby, make it obvious that he has struck a deal with the government. One may recall that the government has undertaken, before the Supreme Court, to effect changes to 20A, at the committee stage, in Parliament, and Bathiudeen can say that the amended version of 20A is acceptable to his party and vote for it. We will see this happen when 20A is put to the vote in Parliament. Government leaders and Bathiudeen, as we said in an editorial, know more than one way to shoe a horse.
True, the SLPP has won elections without the help of Bathiudeen, as the PMD official says, but the fact remains that it tried its best to secure his support in Parliament, in 2018, to muster a simple majority in the House, having forcibly formed a government. Today, the SLPP is desperate for numbers in Parliament, again, to have its 20A passed with a two-thirds majority. It will have to engineer several crossovers, and Bathiudeen with five MPs is an easy target.
Following the release of Bathidueen’s brother, thanks to the intervention of invisible forces, as Dr. Rajapakshe has said, the government finds itself in the same predicament as the proverbial cat, which defecated on a rock and did its darndest to cover it up without any success. Let the government propagandists who are trying to defend the indefensible by trying to justify the release of Bathiudeen’s brother and claiming that it has nothing to do with a deal between Bathiudeen and the government be told that what they are doing is like giving a helping hand to the struggling cat on the rock. They cannot dupe the discerning public.
Editorial
Good governance: Pie in the sky?

Thursday 24th April, 2025
The NPP government is coming under increasing pressure to disclose the contents of the MoUs it signed with India during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent Sri Lanka visit. But it keeps them under wraps, trotting out various excuses and exuding hubris. Minister of Foreign Affairs Vijitha Herath as well as Cabinet Spokesman and Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has said anyone can invoke the Right to Information (RTI) laws and obtain information about the MoUs in question. Curiously, Dr. Jayatissa has reportedly said that some information about the MoUs cannot be revealed to the public without India’s consent! So, the question is whether he and Herath think Sri Lanka’s RTI Act will compel India to consent to reveal the contents of the controversial MoUs to the Sri Lankan public.
The NPP government never misses an opportunity to flaunt its popular mandate and brag that it has been elected by as many as 6.8 million people. But it does not respect their right to know the contents of the agreements/MoUs it has entered into with another country. Those people voted for the NPP in the hope that it would fulfil its pledge to usher in good governance.
Claiming that all its predecessors had only paid lip service to good governance, the NPP sought a mandate to make a difference. But there has been no radical break with the past under the current dispensation, as evident from the manner in which the NPP is conducting its first election campaign after being ensconced in power. It has adopted the same modus operandi as its predecessors in a bid to win the upcoming Local Government (LG) polls. State workers have been given pay hikes; government politicians are issuing threats to impose fund restrictions on the local councils to be won by parties other than the NPP; President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP and the NPP, has promised to expand the Aswesuma social welfare scheme to include 400,000 more families; the government tried to distribute dry rations about two weeks ago to muster favour with the public, and it has pledged to recruit 35,000 more individuals into the state service, which is already bursting at the seams.
The JVP/NPP has made a mockery of its much-advertised commitment to good governance by refusing to ensure transparency regarding the aforementioned MoUs with India, especially the one on defence cooperation. The UN has defined good governance as the transparent, accountable, inclusive, and efficient management of public affairs and resources. Good governance cannot exist in a political environment devoid of transparency and accountability.
The JVP/NPP leaders vehemently protested when the previous government dragged its feet on presenting its agreement with the IMF to Parliament. Today, they are practising exactly the opposite of what it asked its predecessors to do. They insist that their MoUs with India do not contain anything detrimental to Sri Lanka’s interests. If so, they should have made the contents thereof readily accessible to the public of its own volition.
The JVP-led government has rightly undertaken to ensure that justice will be served to the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks expeditiously. It must go all out to fulfil that pledge. However, first of all, it ought to tender an unqualified apology to the public for its reign of terror, which destroyed thousands of lives and state assets worth billions of rupees in the late 1980s, when it campaigned against the Indo-Lanka Accord, claiming that it had been thrust on Sri Lanka. It sought to justify its mindless terror by claiming that violence was the only means it was left with in its efforts to defeat what it described as Indian expansionism, but today it has no qualms about signing MoUs/agreements with India on the sly. It is only fuelling speculation that it is doing its damnedest to prevent the ill-effects of its deals with India from becoming public in the run-up to the upcoming LG polls.
Editorial
Waiting for Godot?

Wednesday 23rd April, 2025
A four-member committee has been appointed to study the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that probed the Easter Sunday terrorist bombings (2019). It comprises a Senior Deputy Inspector General (Chairman), the DIG of the CID, Director of the CID and the Director of the Terrorism Investigation Division. It is reported to have set up several subcommittees. Based on new evidence that may emerge, fresh investigations will be launched, the Police Media Spokesman has said.
Thus, the NPP government, too, has chosen to kick the can down the road, so to speak. All signs are that the committee and its subcommittees will take a month of Sundays to study the PCoI report, and fresh investigations to get underway on the basis of their findings and observations could go on until the cows come home.
What impact will the PCoI report have on the police investigations that have been going on into the Easter Sunday carnage for years? If the police have not already drawn on the PCoI findings and observations in probing the terror attacks, their investigations are likely to be delayed further until the conclusion of the perusal of the document.
One may recall that in August 2021, the Catholic Church demanded credible answers, within one month, to questions regarding the Easter Sunday tragedy. Its ultimatum, given in a 20-page letter, prompted the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government to have the then IGP C. D. Wickramaratne issue a special statement explaining why the probe into the Easter Sunday terror attacks had been delayed. He found fault with those who had handled the police investigations previously.
Wickramaratne’s statement, which shed light on the sorry state of affairs in the CID and other investigative branches of the police, warrants the attention of those who seek justice for the Easter Sunday carnage victims expeditiously. Wickramaratne said the police probes into the terror attacks had been riddled with flaws. Investigators had been in an inordinate hurry to make the bombings out to be the work of a handful of extremists with links to ISIS, and no serious attempt had been made to get to the bottom of the carnage, he said, claiming that they had also taken great pains to prove that all those involved in the terror attacks had been either killed or arrested. Some police officers handling investigations had acted irresponsibly, said Wickramaratne, noting that certain ego-driven investigators had tried to conclude the probes fast, and claim the credit for that; their approach had adversely impacted the criminal investigations.
The PCoI report had been referred to the Attorney General for necessary action, Wickramaratne noted, claiming that the previous investigations had been characterised by a total lack of coordination among the investigation teams, who worked in water-tight compartments. That fact had become evident from the way some incidents had been probed before the Easter Sunday bombings, IGP Wickramaratne said, pointing out that their interconnectedness had gone unnoticed.
Some other factors IGP Wickramaratne adduced to explain the delays in the police investigations in question were the process of ascertaining information from the countries where some suspects were living, and the gathering of evidence pertaining to telephone conversations from 24 June 2014 and analysing them to determine when the dissemination of extremist ideas began in this country and how extremism developed. Among those who aided and abetted the perpetrators of the Easter Sunday attacks were some educated persons and professionals, and given their calibre and social standing, investigations had to be carried out thoroughly if they were to be successfully prosecuted, Wickramaratne said, claiming that it had taken four years to bring those responsible for the bomb attack on the Dalada Maligawa in 1998 to justice, and investigations into the suicide bomb attacks on a religious ceremony held by a mosque at Akuressa in 2009 had taken seven years. The police had been able to carry out those investigations free from pressure, he said.
Cabinet Spokesman Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has gone on record as saying that the task of disclosing the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks should be left to the CID and the judiciary. The government, which promised to name the terror masterminds itself, has made another about-turn! With the investigative process marked by delaying tactics, inaction and deflection, it may not be unreasonable to say that at this rate, justice for the victims of Easter Sunday carnage may be galactic years away.
Editorial
Endless probes and conspiracies

Tuesday 22nd April, 2025
The sixth anniversary of the Easter Sunday carnage has passed, yet the government has failed to fulfil its pledge to make an earth-shattering revelation about the masterminds behind it. Instead, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has handed over to the CID all volumes of the final report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that probed the 2019 terror attacks.
The PCoI has not recommended that its complete report be handed over to the CID. It has requested the President to send ‘a complete set of the report to the Attorney General to consider institution of criminal proceedings against persons alleged to have committed the said offences’.
Interestingly, the PCoI report the President has sent to the CID contains some key findings that run counter to the government’s contention that there was a political conspiracy behind the carnage. The report says in Chapter 32: “The original plan of Zahran was to attack the Kandy Perahera. But it was advanced due to the recovery of explosives from Wanathawilluwa and international factors. IS was losing ground in Syria and Iraq and called on its faithful to launch attacks. He was also concerned that the law enforcement authorities may apprehend him soon” (p. 467).
There is a vital document that President Dissanayake should hand over to the CID. It is the report of the Imam Committee, which probed the allegations made in a Channel 4 programme, ‘Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday bombings – Dispatches’, telecast on 5 Sept., 2023. That presidential committee comprising former Judge of the Supreme Court S. I. Imam (Chairman), former Commander of the Sri Lanka Air Force Air Chief Marshal Jayalath Weerakkody and President’s Counsel Harsha A. J. Soza, has debunked a much-publicised claim by a person named Azad Moulana that there was a link between Sri Lanka’s military intelligence and Zahran’s terror group.
Some critical aspects of the Easter Sunday terror attacks have not been investigated thoroughly. One may recall that three months after the tragedy, Archbishop of Colombo Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, reportedly said, at St. Sebastian’s Church, Katuwapitiya, that the terror attacks had been part of an ‘international conspiracy’. Media reports also said he had lashed out at President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe for lacking the courage to resist the foreign conspiracy to destabilise Sri Lanka. As we pointed out yesterday, he is one of the key witnesses who said in their testimonies before the PCoI that probed the Easter Sunday carnage that there had been a foreign hand/conspiracy behind the terror attacks.
Meanwhile, in a leaked audio clip of what is described as a telephone conversation between Deputy Minister Rajan Ramanayake and SSP Shani Abeysekera, during the Yahapalana government, about the Easter Sunday terror attacks, the latter is heard telling the former something in Sinhala to the effect that Mohamed Ibrahim, a wealthy businessman who was a JVP’s National List nominee for the 2015 general election, cannot be so stupid as not to have known what his two sons, who carried out suicide bomb attacks on 21 April 2019, had been doing. If this audio recording is not fake, the CID should go by Abeysekera’s contention, and interrogate Ibrahim again as part of their efforts to identify the terror masterminds. One may recall that when Ishara Sewwandi, a female accomplice of the gunman who killed underworld leader Ganemulle Sanjeewa in a courtroom at Hulftsdorp, went into hiding, the police arrested and grilled her mother and brother. The question is whether the NPP will allow its former National List candidate to be interrogated.
The government and the CID must peruse all reports on the Easter Sunday terror attacks thoroughly, keep an open mind and follow evidence wherever it leads if the integrity of the ongoing probe is not to be undermined. Politically motivated timeframes must not be imposed on criminal investigations.
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