Features
Keeping History core: A case against new education reforms
When Prime Minister, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, began speaking about new education reforms, earlier this year, many people had high hopes. Despite the government’s decision to continue the same economic policies followed by Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government, there was a strong belief that, at least in the field of education, things would be different. As a political party that did not spare even a single Pirivena in making its presence felt, and one that has long advocated for a fair and equitable education system, expectations were understandably high. As individuals and groups as key stakeholders of education, they were searching for any formal document outlining the reforms that the PM had been planning to implement, starting in 2026. However, it was not possible for them, indicating a striking difference that sets the new reforms apart from the earlier reforms. That is the absence of such a formal document to make the public aware of the new reforms. Even the most controversial 1981 White Paper on Education, and the 2023 National Education Policy Framework, had formal documents that invited people to discuss, criticise, or endorse.
A couple of weeks back, however, the situation began to change as public outcry emerged over claims that the new reforms advocate for the sideline of History from the school curriculum. The PM quickly responded to the allegation, stating that History would remain compulsory up to Grade 11, even under the new reforms. Media reports indicated that awareness sessions were conducted for several parties regarding the proposed reforms. Interestingly, a PowerPoint presentation (PPP) outlining the reforms has been circulating within limited circles. Since it lacks essential details and formality, several parties have called for a formal policy document. However, the government appears to consider the slides sufficient and even seems to take pride in them.
Despite criticisms from various parties, mainly due to the lack of consultation with key stakeholders in education, the lead proponent of the reforms, the PM, remains firmly committed to implementing them in Grades 1 and 6, beginning in 2026. While the Prime Minister has called for public suggestions to improve the reforms, she simultaneously speaks of teacher training to implement the reforms, raising doubts about whether public input will meaningfully influence the final outcome. Preparing a comprehensive policy document that addresses public concerns, and training teachers, accordingly, before 2026, appears highly unrealistic.
I had the privilege, one that many have not yet, to go through the said PPP, which gives the impression that the proposed reforms are the outcome of a gradual preparation process that began in 2019. It is important to share my initial impression of this critical document. Simply put, I was both shocked and confused upon seeing such highly complicated and overambitious reforms proposed for the school curriculum, with little regard for the ground realities. However, the focus of this article is not to examine why these reforms appear overambitious, but rather to address the public outcry over the sidelining of History in the curriculum.
Do the reforms advocate sidelining History from the curriculum? My immediate and unequivocal answer to that question is a definite YES. As for the Prime Minister’s claim that History has been made compulsory for all, I must respectfully but firmly state that she is mistaken. For readers who have not had the privilege of seeing the PPP, allow me to summarise the relevant sections there. The most controversial part of the reforms is proposed for Grades 10–11, identified in the PPP as Senior Secondary Education Phase I. The suggested curriculum includes both subjects and modules, each measured in credits, according to the hours allocated to them. The proposed structure consists of four categories: compulsory subjects, elective subjects, further learning modules, and transversal modules carrying 14, 4, 14, and 3 credits, respectively. Students are, therefore, expected to complete 35 credits per term.
The controversy arises from the identification of only five compulsory subjects, notably excluding History and Aesthetics, marking a clear departure from the current system. These five compulsory subjects are: Mother Tongue, English, Mathematics, Science, and Religion. History and Aesthetics are instead placed in the elective subject basket, from which students must select two subjects out of nine. This arrangement means that both History and Aesthetics can be entirely omitted from a student’s selection. In the PPP, both compulsory subjects and the two elective subjects are grouped under the label Common Core Curriculum, which is highly misleading for readers. How can the compilers classify an elective subject as part of the core curriculum? A core subject is meant to cover an essential domain of knowledge/skill at a given stage of education, and it must be compulsory for all students. It cannot be replaced or substituted. For example, Mathematics is considered a core subject because mathematical literacy is regarded as an essential skill and knowledge domain for every student, making it irreplaceable. The existing curriculum grants core and compulsory status to History, recognising its essential role in shaping students at this stage. This is justifiable just as Mathematics creates numerically literate citizens, History cultivates historically informed individuals.
What core aspects does History share with other subjects in the elective basket, such as Geography, Technology, Health and Physical Education, and Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy? Removing the core and compulsory status, previously assigned to History, is one of the most significant issues in the new reforms. The compilers then adopted a rather unusual approach to create the impression that History remains compulsory for all. Under the “Further Learning Modules,” students must choose one of four pathways: STEM, Humanities, Management, or Skills Development. Each pathway prescribes a specific set of modules, and in three of them (STEM, Management, and Skills Development), History and Aesthetics are made compulsory. The Humanities pathway is the only one in which students are not mandatory to take History.
As a minor note, the Prime Minister’s claim is inaccurate, as a student in the Humanities pathway could omit History entirely. The major point, however, is this: first, the reforms remove History’s core and compulsory status, making it an elective. Then, they attempt to restore its apparent importance by making it compulsory in three of the four pathways. This ridiculous arrangement is best understood as an intermediate step toward eventually making History optional altogether. It is simply a matter of time.
What justifications do the proponents of the new reform offer? Although the PPP does not explicitly state them, some insights can be derived from their media appearances. They repeatedly emphasise the need to prepare students for Industry 4.0, the AI era, and other future-oriented challenges. Simultaneously, they advocate for reducing students’ examination burdens. Most likely, the decision to dilute the role of History is closely tied to an underlying ideology that History no longer holds sufficient value in the age of Industry 4.0. At the same time, this move is framed as a way to alleviate the burden of examinations on students.
If we take this latter concern for the discussion first, does that point hold any merit? Does it make any sensible argument to justify the removal of the core status just for the sake of relieving the examination burden? Can we compensate the core value of making a history-informed student from any of this?
Learning history primarily helps us understand how past events evolved into causes that shaped the course of human civilisation. It also carries forward the collective civilisation’s wisdom derived from humanity’s victories, achievements, atrocities, tragedies, etc. Moreover, by exposing us to diverse narratives and perspectives, the study of history sharpens critical thinking and deepens our understanding of the world.
What benefits can History offer to students being prepared for Industry 4.0? Shouldn’t they also learn lessons from Industry 1.0? The First Industrial Revolution was the world’s first encounter with machines transforming society. Understanding how the rise of machines affected people and communities then is crucial to grasping how thinking machines in the AI era might shape our world today. Students preparing for the so-called AI era should recognise that debates over the challenges that technology poses to humanity are not entirely new. The 19th-century discussions on human alienation caused by machines can certainly shed light on today’s conversations about AI and its societal impact.
Sustainable development has emerged as the leading framework for societal progress, challenging key aspects of the Eurocentric worldview that has dominated for the past 200 years. In this context, people are turning to civilisational wisdom found in ancient knowledge systems looking for different worldviews. Our ancient irrigation systems, widely recognised as remarkable engineering feats, stand in stark contrast to modern irrigation due to their deep integration with the environment. How can we afford to ignore this knowledge when teaching our students as future engineers and technologists?
Learning about the European Renaissance reveals how profoundly new ideas can transform societies, politically, economically, and culturally. It makes clear the deep interplay between ideologies and the forces that drive societal change. Does this not matter just as much in today’s world? For anyone seeking to play a meaningful role in this new era, a deep understanding of both ideologies and the forces that shape society is essential.
How could the future Sri Lankan intelligentsia remain unaware of the 19th-century National Revival in Sri Lanka, a movement that rose in response to colonial neglect of indigenous values? This revival is widely recognised for shaping the modern intelligentsia and laying the very foundation in the fields of literature, art, music, and science in Sri Lanka. It offers vital lessons for preparing future intellectuals to respond meaningfully to global technological challenges.
As a positive note to the authors of the History textbooks in our schools, all the above historical cases were intentionally selected based on the content in Grades 10 and 11. Finally, we do not forget that the current Government promised to bring the Renaissance in its central political slogan “Punarudaya.” I believe they are aware of how the European Renaissance was shaped by millennia-old Greek civilisation, which signifies the importance of history as the compass (Malimawa) for navigating to the future. It is deeply ironic that the same Government’s education reforms dilute the role of History making it elective.
(The writer is Senior Lecturer, Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of Moratuwa. Views are personal.)
by Dr. Nalaka Samaraweera ✍️
University of Moratuwa
Features
Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary
Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.
If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.
Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’
Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.
The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.
Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.
The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.
Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.
Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.
The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.
Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.
Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?
A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.
The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.
However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.
The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.
Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.
Features
Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril
It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.
Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.
Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.
Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.
“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”
That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.
According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.
“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”
She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.
For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.
It begins with humility.
It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.
“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”
One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.
Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.
The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.
“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.
Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.
“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”
That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.
It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.
Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.
Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.
“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”
For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.
She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.
Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.
The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.
“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.
Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.
Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.
Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.
Climate differs.
Rainfall differs.
Vegetation differs.
Wildlife differs.
Culture differs.
Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.
All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.
“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.
“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”
This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.
Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.
It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.
Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.
Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.
She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.
In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.
One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.
“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”
That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.
Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.
Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.
“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”
Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.
Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.
Greenfield sites demand restraint.
Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.
The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.
Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.
Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.
For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.
They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.
Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.
Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.
It should celebrate coexistence.
Every building should strengthen biodiversity.
Every development should restore ecological balance.
Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.
As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.
They carried a challenge
To question inherited assumptions.
To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.
And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.
For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.
It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”
Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.
She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.
Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.
Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.
Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.
In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.
On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.
As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.
As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.
Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”
As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.
She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.
Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.
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