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Of everybody I have known, Nihal has taken the longest time dying. As far as I recall, he first announced his impending death 50 years ago. I thought he would make it to his father’s 90 years, but he fell short by two. Regardless of the time consumed, his life was a life well-lived.

He spent his early years as a Lake House employee at the family home in Wattala, where he was a neighbour of his Ananda schoolmate, my cousin, Asoka Gunasekara. Big Brother, Dr. Viranga Tissa, was a reputed medicine-man who has long been domiciled dow Under. Nihal, by no means the black sheep in the family, occupied an outer room with direct access to his motorbike. His father, a man of few words, took his ease on the haansi-putuva in the verandah.

I came to know quite well the spouses of their twin sisters, Manel and Indrani, Lakshman Ranatunge, head of the Mahaweli Engineering Agency and Denzil de Silva of the Government Film Unit. (In the coverage of the inauguration of our ‘Republican’ Constitution in 1972 at the Navarangahala, Denzil gave my wife and me more time on the screen than he vouchsafed most of the Ministers).

When the Official Language Act was brought into operation on 1st January 1964, I was put in charge of whatever had to be done at its commanding end, the General Treasury, and on that day the press people were directed to me for clarifications, etc. Nihal interviewed me for the Sunday Observer and carried a front-page piece, with a photo by Rienzie Wijeratne, who had made me look even younger than my 25 years. Nihal’s note referred to my footwear (sandals) and my writing habits (poetry) and left the occasion for the interview ‘to be filled in’. He may have guessed that for some time more, inter departmental correspondence would continue in English with a caveat in lower case at the bottom that read “the original in Sinhala will follow”.

As soon as the UNP came in the following year, I was pushed around (five Districts in 19 days – Totsy Vittachchi who did the pushing around seemed to take pleasure in telling me “These are not my instructions. These are Government orders’ ‘ – to which I gave myself the dubious satisfaction of retorting “That’s what a week ago would have been called ‘political interference’) – heady days that ended when I was moved finally to Matara. On the infrequent runs home to Kandana / Kurunegala, we stopped for a break at ‘Brief’ for the infant to be fed.

Eventually posted back to Colombo, we moved into a tiny apartment on Pedris Road and found Nihal next door at Alfred Place. He was in a kind of slice of an old house with several tenants, the landlady upstairs and Manjusri and family occupying the central space on the ground floor. There was a succession of young men at Nihal’s, sometimes they overlapped. With our little people around, ‘Club breaks’ (mostly at the Art Centre) were few. We were there when word reached us that the landlord’s agent had changed the locks at Manju’s and Nihal’s.

The Art Centre in those days, had a good supply of all kinds of power, and following a brief confab we trooped down to the site of the outrage led by Lucky Wikramanayake, lawyer extraordinary who, unbeknown to us could come up with a powerful kick as well. The illicit locks were got rid of, the police informed, the culprit summoned. It turned out that the perpetrator had expected to take possession of the premises in dispute as beneficiary of a dowry arrangement (which all civilised people deplore). Furthermore, I knew the man – he was a senior accountant at an industrial firm. I happened to be Director of Industries at the time. Thus, maybe, apologies were made and Lucky accepted them (with a flippant kind of grace).

Nihal continued to enjoy his work at Lake House, and made steady progress in terms of responsibilities imposed on him. Initially, he had had a bit of a struggle to move up to the editorial desks, as he had joined at or near the bottom as a proof-reader. (So, had I around the same time, the mid-1950s, but I went upstairs to the book publishing department, headed  by E P Mendis, brother of the historian Dr. G C Mendis. In addition to my duties as proofreader, I was given other tasks including checking the translation of ‘Golden Island’ and looking for bias in ’Ceylon Yesterday and Today’, the new work by Dr. Mendis).

I recall being told by his seniors at Lake House (Willie Bua / Clarence Fernando comes to mind) that Nihal was way and away the best reporter they had. That proved to be a matter of no consideration at all when the UNP took power in 1977: they fired him.

(I was sent to ‘the Pool’ for a prolonged hibernation: that entity derived its name from the ‘pool vote’ provided to the Treasury to cover the wages of senior officers in the periods between being transferred and assuming office at the new place).

By then Nihal had moved to a largish upstairs room, plus garage, in Havelock Town, that young architect Ranjith Alahakoon had done a marvelous job turning into several elegant spaces. Nihal had settled there with his collections of books, sculptures, paintings (including Manjusri’s rendering of a divine being’s “sax- eka”).

His comrade, S Pathiravitane was often there (they teamed up later to give Upali’s ‘The Island’ a certain shape). We were further down Havelock Road and on days when a new play was staged at the Wendt or Lumbini I’d stop by at Nihal’s to type out my review (unless of course, there had been an intermission at the Art Centre, and I had to rush to Lake House to do my typing there).

Those were days that did not recognize sexuality other than that between women and men – and saw no discussion at all of ‘such things’. I think I knew all Nihal’s companions but an exhibition of jealousy as is common among girl-friend/boy-friend hardly ever occurred.

Our ‘gay’ friends preferred their own company, but a few were at ease discussing their tangles with my wife (it was said that I had no heart).

Those days of prejudice continued. There were social acquaintances (and even a couple of our friends) who were terrified at the thought that my wife and even I would get to know of their ‘shame’.

There’s just the one lover that stands out in my memory: a young Arab from North Africa who, I believe, was indeed Nihal’s “anthima-last-final”, “one-and true-and only-love”. I can no longer remember whether they met in Belgrade in the early 1960s or in Paris some years later. If the latter, the atrocities committed by the French in Africa, particularly in Algeria, would have been out in the open (more or less). Fanon’s ‘Black Faces, White Masks’ would have begun to be read and the French police were unable to burn every copy of ‘The Wretched of the Earth’ (they began that operation in Paris the very day they heard that Fanon had died). ‘France’ has not changed one bit; within the last few months they sent fully armed destroyers, etc., to the eastern Mediterranean, where they have no excuse to be and have got the like-minded Biden & Blinken to try to ensure that ‘independent’ African nations keep Russian ‘mercenaries’ out – and employ only their own. (Given current reports on what ‘Canada’ did to native children for over a hundred years, one must conclude that justice demands that all such criminals as Macron and this Trudeau, be treated French fashion and guillotined.

Nihal was a reader – and had lost no time finding ‘Shakespeare & Company’ in Paris. It was probably there that he discovered Henry Miller and his ‘Tropic of Cancer’ and similar works.

And it was the time of other exciting events out there – the Paris students at the barricades, the new wave of film by Truffaut and Godard. He would have had a rich life in and around Paris but, as I can testify, the wine then was not denatured and would not have given him such anxiety as to give him cause for fear of death: his premonitions began around that time.

When Lake House became so intensely dumb, he helped the inimitable Haris Hulugalle launch ‘Focus’. Our older son had lost his pet dog and I promised him that Uncle Nihal would carry a poem ‘for Ringo’ in the first issue of his new newspaper (March, 1978). It was titled ‘Death of a Male Chauvinist Dog’.

There was another weekly he did later for a pro-SLFP paper, ‘FORUM’.

Pending his return to Lake House following the fall of the Dharmishtas, he teamed up with Pathi at the ‘The Island’.

GAMINI SENEVIRATNE



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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