Features

J. R. Jayewardene: The Man Who Changed Sri Lanka

Published

4 days ago

2026/09/27

Thilina Walpola

J. R. Jayewardene

J. R. Jayewardene Memorial Oration

by Avishka Mario Senewiratne

When Mr. Tissa Hewavitharana telephoned me regarding this memorial oration, I initially assumed that he was inviting me to attend it. Previous orators have included those who knew President Jayewardene personally, as well as distinguished politicians, public servants and academics. I was therefore genuinely surprised and deeply honoured to be invited to deliver the J. R. Jayewardene Memorial Oration in the year of his 120^th birth anniversary and the 30^th anniversary of his death.

I never knew President J. R. Jayewardene. I have never heard him speak from a public platform, never watched him campaign, never voted for him or against him, and never experienced at first hand the great political change of 1977, the excitement and uncertainty of the new economic order or the terrible violence of July 1983. President Jayewardene died in 1996, two years before I was born, and so I come before you without any personal memory of the man himself.

My generation inherited President Jayewardene’s legacy in the most direct sense. We inherited the Executive Presidency, the open economy, the Thirteenth Amendment, and many of the institutions, arguments and political habits formed during his years in power. Much of the Sri Lanka we inhabit was either created or fundamentally reshaped by him. Yet few young people know the scale of his achievements, or even the nature of the changes he introduced. Public discussion has often judged him selectively rather than fairly. It is therefore fitting, perhaps slightly ironic, that today’s oration is delivered by someone from that very generation.

That is the central argument I want to make today. President J. R. Jayewardene changed Sri Lanka. Whether he changed it for better or for worse depends very much on whom one asks and which part of his record one chooses to examine. Some remember him as the man who opened up the economy, accelerated the Mahaweli programme, encouraged foreign investment and brought Sri Lanka into a new economic age. Others remember the Executive Presidency, the referendum of 1982, July 1983, the growth of ethnic conflict and a country entering one of the most difficult periods in its modern history. Both memories belong to the same period, and both are associated with the same man.

There is a tendency to begin the story of JR in 1977, but if we do that we begin far too late. When he became Prime Minister in that year he was already 71 years of age and had spent several decades in public life: as lawyer, State Councillor, parliamentarian, Minister of Finance, Minister of Agriculture, Minister of State, and Leader of the Opposition. One of his greatest political qualities was patience. For much of his career he did not possess great power. He waited, organized, read, watched his opponents and his own party, learned from defeat and survived. By 1977 he had spent a lifetime preparing himself for power and, once he obtained it, knew what he wanted to do with it.

Early Life

J. R. Jayewardene changed Sri Lanka because he believed that nations, like old houses, cannot be preserved merely by polishing the front veranda. At times, he thought the foundations themselves had to be altered. Born in 1906 into a distinguished legal family, educated at Royal College and later trained in law, he was shaped by privilege, discipline, reading, freedom struggle and unusual confidence in his own judgement. Politics attracted him early, as did the Indian national movement. He admired Gandhi and Nehru and wanted the Ceylon National Congress (CNC) to become a mass movement rather than a gathering of esteemed gentlemen discussing national affairs in respectable rooms. JR travelled to India and saw the Indian National Congress movement at close quarters. He corresponded with Jawaharlal Nehru and sent him his early writings on Buddhism and socialism. When Gandhi visited Ceylon, JR and several friends from Law College commissioned David Paynter to paint him. These were signs of a young man already drawn to public life, ideas and national purpose. As Dr. Michael Roberts observes, JR made a herculean effort to reorganize the Congress into a stronger political body committed to non-violence.

He later served on the Colombo Municipal Council and, in 1943, entered the State Council as Member for Kelaniya, succeeding Sir D. B. Jayatilaka after defeating E. W. Perera. In Kelaniya, where I too come from, he concerned himself with roads, schools, dispensaries and the area around the Kelaniya Temple. In the famous murals of Soliyas Mendis in Kelaniya Temple, there is one distinctive mural of the Wijewardene family. Near the family matriarch, Helena Wijewardene are two young boys. One of them was JR.

As a young member of the State Council inspired by his colleague at the CNC Jayantha Weerasekera, he introduced the motion to make Sinhala the official language, later amended to include Tamil. Yet he also attended to the unglamorous work of representation: hospitals, schools, dispensaries and roads in Kelaniya. He became a founder member of the United National Party and one of D. S. Senanayake’s most capable colleagues.

Minister of Finance

When J. R. Jayewardene entered D. S. Senanayake’s first Cabinet as Minister of Finance in 1947, he was only 41. Ceylon had emerged from the Second World War with substantial external reserves, but also inflation, shortages of some goods, uncertainty and an economy heavily dependent on tea, rubber and coconut. These exports accounted for nearly 80% of foreign exchange earnings and about 45% of gross national product. The country had wealth, but it’s economic base was narrow and vulnerable. Jayewardene’s task was to give economic substance to political independence and begin diversifying the economy.

His early work in Finance shows that he was never simply an advocate of markets. He believed in financial discipline, but also that finance had to serve development through investment in transport, power, irrigation, agriculture and industry. After his first Budget in 1947, despite the limited economic data then available, he launched a Six-Year Plan promoting productive investment, economic diversification, irrigation and dry-zone development.

The Sterling Area dispute also demonstrated his willingness to defend Ceylon’s economic independence. Although more than 70% of imports and roughly 60% of exports were linked to Sterling Area countries, Jayewardene resisted arrangements that unnecessarily surrendered Ceylon’s dollar earnings. Working with John Exter, he pressed for the country to retain part of those earnings and to build reserves of its own.

His lasting institutional achievement was the Central Bank of Ceylon. Created under the Monetary Law Act No. 58 of 1949, the Central Bank began work in 1950 under John Exter and gave the new state a modern institution for monetary and financial management.

N. U. Jayawardena stated that “JR came to the Ministry of Finance only with a common-sense knowledge of finance…he brought to bear a trained legal and absorbing mind. He asked questions, wanted facts and their analysis… He was a keen student of whatever engaged his attention. He also possessed a great sense of history. He was, thus, concerned more with the substance and less with the detail… JR was quick to perceive and was not slow to decide, which he did with deliberation, but once he had decided, he remained unshakable unless new facts or new situations emerged to justify a review of the decision already taken.”

Colombo Plan and the Triumph at San Francisco

Jayewardene also helped give the newly independent country an international voice. The Colombo Plan, born from the Commonwealth meeting held in Colombo in January 1950 and launched in 1951, placed Ceylon within a new programme of Asian development cooperation. JR was one of the principal figures behind this initiative.

At San Francisco in 1951, he achieved something more memorable. Opposing a vindictive peace against Japan in accordance with the government’s policy, he invoked the Buddha’s teaching that hatred cannot be ended through hatred. It was a remarkable intervention by Sri Lanka. Many countries including the Soviet Union opposed this approach but the intervention earned JR and Sri Lanka enduring gratitude in Japan. Outside the conference, hundreds waited to meet and get autographs of JR.

There is, however, a painful irony in looking back at San Francisco. The man who spoke so effectively about reconciliation between nations would later preside over Sri Lanka during one of the worst breakdowns in relations between its own communities. After the Hartal of 1953 and Dudley Senanayake’s resignation, JR became Minister of Agriculture and Food under Sir John Kotelawala, gaining a closer understanding of how economic policy affected farmers, food prices and ordinary households.

Defeat and Re-organizing the UNP

The defeat of 1956, which JR called an ‘electoral holocaust’, revealed another side of Jayewardene: his extraordinary capacity for political survival. Barely weeks after losing his seat to R. G. Senanayake, whom he called an ‘intruder’ in Kelaniya, JR was back at Sirikotha reorganizing the UNP. Inspired by Sir Winston Churchill’s own defeat in 1945, he writes in his memoir, “In Defeat, Defiance.” When many had predicted JR’s political career was over, he started to rebuild himself and his party. He travelled from constituency to constituency, reassuring the causes of the UNP.

In 1957, he led the famous march to Kandy against the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact. Although stopped at Imbulgoda, the march revived the morale of the defeated UNP. He also helped organize successful local campaigns in Colombo and Kandy. This helped V. A. Sugathadasa and E. L. Senanayake become Mayors of Colombo and Kandy. Less than a year after the electoral disaster of 1956, the UNP had demonstrated that it could once again win important electoral contests.

Yet JR did not insist upon leadership for himself. When Dudley Senanayake returned, JR stepped aside, recognizing Dudley’s greater popular appeal. The partnership helped rebuild the UNP from its disastrous eight seats in 1956 and eventually return it to government in 1960. Their efforts helped the UNP increase its representation from eight seats to fifty at the March 1960 election. It was not enough to form a stable government, and the party lost ground again at the election three months later. But JR and Dudley used the years in Opposition well. They created an organized and alert Opposition, capable of working with other parties where necessary.

In 1964, when the Sirimavo Bandaranaike government was defeated in Parliament by a single vote, few doubted that JR had been one of the principal strategists behind the result.

Avishka Mario Senewiratne delivering the JR Jayewardene Memorial Oration last week

This period matters because it tells us something about JR. After a loss, he could wait, organize and begin again. The enormous power he eventually possessed tends to obscure the fact that much of his political life was spent waiting for it.

Minister of State

The 1965 election brought the UNP coalition back to office under Dudley Senanayake. Grateful for JR Jayewardene’s role in rebuilding the party and securing its return, Dudley appointed him Minister of State and Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and External Affairs. In practice, JR became the second most influential figure in the government and its unofficial deputy prime minister.

As Minister of State after 1965, Jayewardene recognised tourism as more than a pleasant occupation in receiving foreign visitors. He saw its potential for foreign exchange, employment and regional development. The Ceylon Tourist Board Act No. 10 of 1966 and the Ceylon Hotels Corporation Act No. 14 of 1966 gave the industry its first serious institutional foundations.

Yet these years were personally difficult. His relationship with Dudley deteriorated badly amid suspicions about JR’s ambitions. Dudley eventually removed Information and Broadcasting from his responsibilities, leaving JR to joke that he had become the “Minister in charge of tourism and the zoo.”

Opposition Leader

The UNP was again badly defeated in 1970, retaining only seventeen seats although it won the largest share of the national vote. Dudley encouraged JR to become Leader of the Opposition. After Dudley’s death in 1973, the long period of waiting was finally over and JR became leader of the UNP. It was an uneasy inheritance: he had fallen out with several members of the party high command, including Dudley himself. Nevertheless, he remained focused on rebuilding the party as he had done after 1956.

As Opposition Leader, JR was among the finest to hold that office. During the 1971 JVP insurgency, he supported the government despite his son’s brief arrest. He even considered joining the United Front coalition, against the wishes of many UNP members. After Dudley Senanayake’s death, however, he transformed the old UNP into a modern party appealing to every social class. He appointed the humble-born R. Premadasa as his deputy, nurtured young politicians and welcomed several senior SLFP defectors. As the Closed Economy produced controls, shortages and growing public frustration, JR organized successive by-election victories. From his residence, Braemar, he carefully planned the 1977 campaign. Despite his advancing age, he personally visited every electorate in which the UNP fielded a candidate.

The electorate responded overwhelmingly to JR’s “Just and Free Society” campaign. The UNP won five-sixths of the seats in Parliament, securing 51% of the vote and nearly 140 MPs. JR did not enter office simply intending to manage the old system more efficiently; he intended to change the system itself.

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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

Published

7 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

Features

What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

Published

7 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

Features

Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

Published

7 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).