Features
Is cascading collapse unstoppable?
by Kumar David
The theory that Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW) was brought in as PM to save the skin of the Rajapaksa Clan is very plausible. Mahinda was driven out when his attempted May 9 coup was foiled by public revolt, Basil reduced to scavenging and other clan members forced to hightail it from Cabinet. These defeats of the regime and Ranil’s appointment did indeed defuse pressure on the regime and the intensity of the protests on Galle Face and elsewhere quietened.
A much-weakened Gotabaya clung on to power, a shadow of himself, but retaining his military coterie and the incompetent, corrupt scoundrels he brought with him from California and injected into sinecures. Therefore, the thesis worked for a moment; but events have a logic and dynamic of their own, reality evolves and matters do not move as projected in well-laid plans. This is why political wakefulness and intelligence are indispensable; only sterile analysts seek to substitute the retelling of what happened in Russia in 1917 or Libya in recent times, and so on, for a grasp of the movement of events, for thinking on one’s feet and alertness to unravelling reality
In the four weeks since RW’s appointment the dynamics have indeed changed visibly and the relationship between RW and Gota evolved. On the whole changes during the month have moved to strengthen RW’s hand. Most significant is that RW has visibly asserted control of the Administration and Gota taken a back seat. RW is clearly and visibly in charge of negotiations with the IMF and foreign powers (for whatever they may be worth), Gota has conceded that he is finished as a President and has declared his intention not the run again.
And of course, on the constitutional side the 21st Amendment cleared by the Cabinet and sent to the Legal Draftsman in anticipation of tabling in Parliament transfers a considerable amount of power out of the Presidency and into the hands of Parliament. Thereafter there will be shift of power away of the Presidency; Parliament and PM will be the gainers. (This is not endorsement of 21A, the big lacuna is that the Executive Presidency is not abolished). Gotabaya is yesterday’s news; I am reluctant to devote any more space in today’s column to that person whose tenure was littered with imbecilic decisions.
The key players in the next four weeks in which it will become clear whether the immediate crisis leads to cascading collapse, which I fear may see chaos and anarchy follow in its wake, are RW and a disparate array of forces in the government parliamentary group, mainly the faction-ridden SLPP. If the RW government is pulled down, then there are in theory only two credible alternatives, chaos or an immediate general election. I am of the view, and I may be wrong, to appoint another person as PM will lead to an explosion of anger (not because the electorate loves RW but because it will be another game of dirty musical-chairs) and because it will rip-up the applecart of negotiations with the IMF and international lenders. I am afraid whether you love or hate RW you are stuck with him for the moment, at least till the prevailing extreme emergency has subsided. As I have said many times in this column the instant litmus test is the fuel crisis; shortages and food prices will take longer to deal with though hunger is biting many people very hard. Fuel queues are stark, visible and a flashpoint of anger; the fuel crisis is an in-you-face affront, it is a 24-hour reminder of a Ranil failure.
The next few weeks can swing in many directions. Every rumour turns false and sour. Petrol prices have been predicted to “go up tomorrow by Rs 50 to 70” for the last week. That the fateful tomorrow will dawn no one doubts, but why all the drama? Tankers bearing millions of metric tons of life giving hydrocarbons are, just outside, almost berthed or turned away because Lanka is bankrupt of dollars. This muddled status does not only mark the state of our finances, it is also a reflection of political uncertainty. Ranil, the SJP and government parliamentarians pull in different directions, the JVP-NPP issues strident protests but it’s a lot of hot-air, and the TNA could do better. Apart from this messy political side, the organs of state are in a muddled condition. The police and the military don’t know whether they are coming or going and in what direction to point. Instead of playing cheap political games for advantages of the moment it should take a firm and clear stand along these lines.
The RW government must remain in office for a short while more to complete bailout negotiations with the IMF et al. (What else? Are we going to form an Anura Kumara or Sajith government to continue the negotiations; do they know how even to approach the issues?) No one can guarantee whether ongoing negotiations will prove fruitful; I certainly will not offer odds on the outcome. But at this moment there is nothing else to do. You don’t shoot the pilot in mid-air whether he lost his parliamentary seat, is a political rightist, or whether he farts in public.
It is necessary to hold elections within a few months. It is not necessary to accept an RW led government beyond the ‘emergency phase’ noted in the previous bullet point. There is no need to lend support to a short- or medium-term economic programme that RW, Sajith or Rajapaksa-rump led political firmament may have up its sleeve. Once the emergency phase is passed (“Thank you Ranil”) let there be a new government with a fresh mandate from the people. Will the electorate muck it up again? Very likely, but at least it will be foist once again by its own toenails. The people of Sri Lanka are reaping what they have sowed for over seven decades; the Rajapaksas and such vermin were only the topping on the cake, the popularly acclaimed faeces decorating the nation.
Sri Lanka, both by long experience and psychologically is absolutely unsuitable for anything like a one-party system as in some socialistic inclined countries. It must be made plain clear and explicit that Lanka will remain democratic and governments will be chosen and kicked by the exercise of the franchise of the people.
The repeal of the executive presidential system, root and branch must be high on the agenda; this may have already been done in the years in between. An appropriate mixed electoral system should be introduced but I have no particular structure in mind.
There must be a firm commitment to the devolution of powers and governance to the people in the North and East and a renunciation of all discriminatory measures against the Ceylon Tamil, Muslim, Upcountry Tamil and Catholic communities. Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarian chauvinism must the programmatically denounced.
It seems to me that the next election if held within a few months will be won by liberal bourgeois outfit, Sajith or a Ranil-Sajith combo. Though I make no bones about my left-socialist proclivities I am quite reconciled to the thought that the people will neither understand nor vote such an option to power in the forthcoming elections. That’s fine, actually that’s better because the left parties have neither the broad knowledge-bases nor the administrative experiences needed to run a modern (Twenty-first Century) government. The delay is a blessing in disguise.
The forthcoming (by which I mean within say six months) elections will provide the left to fully air and debate in public its alternative economic programme; an opportunity it should welcome. If I had my way the more important differences with a right-wing or centre-right programmes will (should) be (a) a stronger directive role of government – the word is dirigisme – in medium and longer range economic policy; (b) a sympathetic orientation to the needs of the have-not classes; (c) directed emphasis on technology-science, education and English language skills for young people; (d) immediate release of all political prisoners and repeal of the PTA and many such unsavoury laws and administrative fiats.
Finally, matters such as respect for the law, non-interference with the judiciary and many similar matters the left shares with decent liberal democratic value systems.
This is rather more than necessary I have written on ideas for a draft left programme for an election in the near future; a semi-final run for a left government before the final encounter (the timing will depend on how long the next bourgeoise democratic elected government will function). The intervening period is a useful training ground for honing skills, sharpening minds and building contacts.
Back to my starting point: Will cascading collapse become catastrophic? No options are off the table. The urgent need is to shorten the fuel queues and to complete negotiations with the IMF and other agencies. This may buy a few further months to import food. Growing vegetables in your front yard is not going to fill anyone’s stomach with rice, dhal and greens in one or two months. If Lanka can get through the next one month on life support and the next few months in intensive care, systemic collapse and anarchy may be averted.
I would like give readers just one example about how much belt-tightening has been inflicted on this country in such a short period. The price of 92 octane petrol has already been raised (or will soon be raised) to about Rs 500 a litre. Now this corresponds to nearly US $5.25 per US gallon which is about the highest pump price that motorists pay in California. (One US gallon = 3.79 litres, and I have assumed one US dollar equivalent to LKR 360). The prices of diesel and cooking-gas too are not much out of alignment with American prices. Fuel prices dominate all prices. Estimates of price inflation of consumer goods vary by the day but 100% year on year is not on the low side. Wages have not risen one jot in months and years. Therefore, it is no longer possible to say that Sri Lankan consumers and the poor in this country are the recipients of large unearned handouts. A big part of the IMF’s pound of flesh has been paid by the crisis itself.
I am going to leave it at that for today. Anything one says at one moment is disproved the next.
Features
‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace
It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.
In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.
While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.
Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.
The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.
The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.
Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.
However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.
This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.
Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.
However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.
Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.
A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.
To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.
Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.
Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.
Features
Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert
At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.
Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.
According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.
“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.
For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.
Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.
“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.
According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.
Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.
The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.
“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.
Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.
“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.
According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.
Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.
Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash
These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.
Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.
“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.
While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.
“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.
He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.
Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.
He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.
At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.
“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.
Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.
“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.
According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.
“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.
As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.
Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.
“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Top Model of the World 2026
Back-to-back victory for Colombia
Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.
Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.
Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.
These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.
Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale
Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.
Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.
Special Awards Recognition
Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.
Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.
Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up
Final Placement
Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)
1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)
2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)
Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.
The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.
Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.
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