Features

Inherent inadequacies

Published

3 years ago

2023/11/26

Excerpted from the autobiography of Merrill J. Fernando

One of the glaring weaknesses in both the above Boards (Tea Board, Tea Propaganda Board etc.) was the Board members were mainly ex-officio, representing the Chamber Commerce, CTTA, TRI, and the smallholders. None of these people possessed a coherent concept of the tea trade, be it in marketing, branding, or advertising. As a result, the administration of the Secretariat was able to do exactly as it pleased.

The only exception to this distressing generality was Victor Santiapillai, who was then the Director of the Export Development Board (EDB), having relinquished his position as Director, International Trade Centre, Geneva, at the invitation of Dr. Sivali Ratwatte, then Chairman of the EDB, in order to serve the EDB for a three-year period. Santiapillai understood and supported many of the reforms I proposed, but implementation was stifled by the bureaucrats of the SLTB (Sri Lanka Tea Board).

When the Sri Lanka Tea Board Act was prepared, I was requested by the then Minister of Plantations, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, and his Ministry Secretary, Doric de Souza, to go through the draft of the Act, in discussion with Dr. Jayantha Kelegama, Director of Commerce, and to submit my views. The Minister instructed Dr. Kelegama to incorporate in the Act any proposal I submitted, which he considered worthwhile, without, of course, attributing them to me.

I first met Dr. Kelegama at the Ceylinco Akase Kade and over three meetings thereafter, provided him with many issues to consider. One of my proposals was that ex-officio appointments to such boards, nominated by the Chamber mostly, should not be permitted and that the Minister should have the sole authority, to appoint people with the requisite experience and knowledge. Though this suggestion was accepted and incorporated in the constitution of the SLTB, the Government fell soon afterwards, and the proposals were not implemented.

The Director General of the Tea Board at that time was Dr. R. L. de Silva, from the Tea Research Institute, undoubtedly a competent tea scientist but on account of his ignorance of the important aspects of the international tea trade, a misfit as DG of the Tea Board. The key members of his team, such as Lalith Agalawatte and Sambasivam, were not impressive either.

Conspiracies within

Lalith Agalawatte was, initially, an Assistant Commissioner at the London Tea Centre on Regent Street. Notwithstanding his modest title, I got the clear impression that he wielded a great deal of influence, not only in the centre but at the Tea Board Colombo office as well. He seemed to be well in with TGA Advertising, the France-based agency working for the Ceylon Tea Centre in London, for promotional activities of the Tea Board in Europe.

The ‘The 1868’ project was proposed by the London Tea Centre, to develop a Pure Ceylon Tea bag in France. I participated in this project by supplying the finished product, but with no financial involvement in the project itself. The owners of TGA were introduced to me and on a subsequent visit to Sri Lanka, I advised them on an appropriate blend and, through Printcare, developed high quality packaging for the product. I also advised Agalawatte, in good faith, that this project would eventually fail as a promotional initiative for Ceylon Tea, as, if the brand were to succeed, it would become one more foreign label to compete against genuine Ceylon Tea brands.

Shortly thereafter, a TGA representative arrived in Sri Lanka without my knowledge. I was not surprised when I discovered that Agalawatte, who had by then been transferred to Sri Lanka and appointed to the position of Assistant Director of the CTPB, had invited the TGA representative to Sri Lanka to meet another exporter, who would supply the tea cheaper! We did not receive any more orders. The project was eventually abandoned after 30 tonnes of tea had been exported, with the London Centre spending around Sterling Pounds 150,000 in promotional expenses.

Another instance of this individual’s duplicity was when he obtained my support to pack a brand of tea for a Sri Lanka businessman operating in Japan, whose substantive business interests lay elsewhere. The tea was shipped to Australia. At the same time, I participated in a TV tea commercial at a Commonwealth event in Melbourne, in which, prior to the event, I was made to understand that Dilmah tea was to be featured. When the event got going I discovered that Agalawatte had engineered for the brand supported by him, to be featured at the launch, instead of Dilmah.

Prior to this incident he manipulated to withhold a sum of USD 119,00 approved by the Tea Board as its contribution to the advertising and promotional costs of Dilmah, in Australia. Despite verbal assurances given to me by Agalawatte, that the funding disbursement request had been presented to the Chairman for approval, when I contacted Oliver Fernando, then Chairman of the Tea Board, I found that the request had not been submitted to him.

Ironically, this man, who for some time had been currying favour with the then Minister of Plantations, Major Montague Jayawickrema, was able to persuade the Minister to appoint him as the Head of the newly-opened Ceylon Tea Centre in New York. When the proposal to open the centre came up for discussion, I opposed it vehemently, but in the vote that the Minister called from the chair, mine was the only dissenting voice. The proposal was approved and I was so distressed that I refused to speak to the Minister for the next three months.

Agalawatte spent two years in New York, incurring huge expenditure to no purpose, and when there was a call to investigate his activities, the Secretariat sent Agalawatte’s equally-wily colleague, Sambasivam, as the investigator. He returned with the verdict that Agalawatte was doing a fine job and that he was in the process of negotiating a contract with McDonalds for the supply of tea. I cautioned the Board, that it must be a blatant lie as McDonalds would not entertain offshore suppliers for the US. Predictably, that contract never saw the light of day and, soon afterwards, Agalawatte obtained his Green Card and disappeared in the US!

Costly white elephants

In one instance, I proposed that the Ceylon Tea Centres around the world (UK -London and Manchester – Denmark, Italy and so on) be closed down, as they served no useful purpose. As Tony Peries has observed pithily in his writing, the “… UK centre did minimal service to the cause of Ceylon Tea but was better known as a good lunchtime curry house…” (a very accurate evaluation of the contribution that the UK centre made, to the furtherance of the cause of Ceylon Tea!).

My proposal was accepted and the decision was made to close down these centres. However, one year later, when the renewal of the leases on the centre in Japan came up for review, the Board was compelled to renew it on the grounds that there had been a delay in conveying the decision to close down! That centre in particular had been spectacularly unsuccessful in the promotion of Ceylon Tea, with Japanese consumption of coffee increasing in the previous decade by about 400%, whilst tea consumption remained static.

Our overseas Tea Centres had been established during a period when the UK, Australia, and New Zealand consumption of tea was almost 100% Ceylon Tea. Therefore, those centres performed a largely public relations function in a market basically saturated with Ceylon Tea, in which promotion was not a requirement. Ironically, despite the presence of the Tea Centres in those countries, Ceylon Tea gradually lost almost total market share!

The Head of the Ceylon Tea Centre in Regent Street, London was Ernest Jesudasan, a British national, with minimal links to Ceylon; a nice, well-meaning gentleman with, in my view, little practical knowledge of tea or tea marketing, despite having served earlier as Director of the CTPB. The Head of the Ceylon Tea Propaganda Board then was Clarence Cooray, who, owing to the lack of Ceylonese with sound overseas tea marketing knowledge, was entirely dependent on British tea interests in Ceylon for advice on the promotion of the cause of Ceylon Tea!

An expert committee

The Sri Lanka Tea Board had more teeth than the CTPB, but it was equally impotent in the promotion of Sri Lankan interests via trademarks. However, after intense lobbying by the trade, the Sri Lankan Government of the day was made aware of the need for establishing Sri Lankan-owned brands and, in August 1980, appointed an Advisory Committee on the promotion and marketing of Ceylon Tea.

The remit of the Advisory Committee, appointed under the guidance of the then Minister, Major Jayawickrema, was, briefly, “to review and report on the existing strategies for marketing of Ceylon Tea and to recommend a comprehensive package of proposals to ensure the effective development of Ceylon Tea in the international market”.

This group comprised I. O. K. G. Fernando (Chairman, SLTB), C. Chanmugam (Deputy Secretary, Treasury), W. L. P. de Mel (Secretary, Ministry of Trade and Shipping), G. Cumaranatunga (Add. Sec., Ministry of Trade and Shipping), the writer (then Managing Director, M.J.F. Exports), V. Santiapillai (Chairman, EDB), and Dr. R. L. de Silva (Director-General, SLTB). The committee co-opted S. Nanayakkara (Director, Commerce), S. Kulatunga (Director-General, EDB), T. Sambasivam (Dep. Director, SLTB), and L. Agalawatte (Actg. Director, SLTB).

At that time the Tea Promotion Bureau, the division of the SLTB responsible for promotion, operated offices in London, Cairo, Dubai, Sydney, Tokyo, Auckland, and Johannesburg. In addition, some of these centres also operated restaurants or catering services, as ancillaries to the promotional work. The committee recommendation was that these catering services should be phased out, subject to the terms of the respective leases.

The committee also made wide-ranging recommendations in regard to State promotional support for Ceylon Tea in the world market (subject to minimum quality standards and conformity of the product), with highest priority given to tea packed and bagged in Sri Lanka and, secondly, to Pure Ceylon Tea packed overseas in Joint Venture operations.

The proposals also covered issues of generic promotion, government incentives for processing and export marketing of value-added tea, fixing of export duties for tea bags and packets, duty rebates on imported packaging materials, concessionary export duties for packeted tea within specified weight ranges, rebates for tea bag exporters to encourage that aspect of the trade, maintenance of minimum quality standards of product, and the use of symbols for promotional work. The use of the Lion logo was discussed exhaustively.

Futile exercises, the Lion logo controversy

One of the most contentious issues before the tea trade then was the use of the Lion logo. The Secretariat was relentless in its efforts to mandate the use of the Lion logo on all tea packets intended for export, on the premise that the Lion symbol identified Ceylon, the origin, only. I completely opposed this notion, instead taking up the position, that the Lion symbol should represent only good quality Ceylon Tea, and not be symbolic of any and every tea originating from Ceylon, irrespective of quality.

Here too, as (Tony) Peries has observed in his writing, “…the major packers were in the excellent position of benefiting from tea (not Ceylon) advertising, at no cost to themselves…, through our promotion under the ‘Lion’ logo”.

Theoretically, the launching of the ‘Lion’ logo was a masterful marketing strategy. It would have been the eloquent voice of the cause of quality Pure Ceylon Tea, had the pack bearing the logo consisted of the genuine product. However, the reality of the marketplace was quite different.

There was absolutely no reliable method to determine the proportion of genuine Ceylon Tea in a pack carrying the Lion logo. It could be either as high as 90%, or as low as 10%. Therefore, irrespective of the Ceylon Tea content, Lion logo packs prospered from the identification with Ceylon Tea. At one point, there were as many as 355 brands carrying the Lion logo, though Ceylon Tea imports to the UK had dwindled rapidly.

Whilst the diminishing UK imports of Ceylon Tea over the years reflected the ineffectiveness of the Lion logo campaign, absolutely no action had been taken to change the strategy, nor was there any indication, that this serious market erosion was receiving any attention from the SLTPB. Had the Lion logo been leveraged judiciously to promote the interests of Pure Ceylon Tea, the British market would probably still represent the highest consumption of Ceylon Tea in the world, as it did in the days of Thomas Lipton!

Though it had been developed and sustained at considerable expense, the Lion logo was not associated with a genuine quality standard. As a result of a combination of unfavourable and conflicting factors, the development and promotional strategy purported to be the saviour of Ceylon Tea, eventually became its nemesis, because of the indiscriminate use of the logo. The committee recommendation was that. gradually, the Lion logo should be phased out.

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Features

Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify

Published

9 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Kyiv. (BBC)

The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.

While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.

The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.

Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.

The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.

These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.

In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’

Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.

Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.

However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.

While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.

A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.

Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.

Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.

In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.

However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.

Features

“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”

Published

9 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya opening the event

OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation

The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.

Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.

The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.

In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.

She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.

The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.

She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress

The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.

The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”

Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.

Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.

The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.

Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.

The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.

Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.

Features

Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …

Published

9 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.

Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.

Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.

What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada

It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.

According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.

With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”

One attendee summed it up perfectly:

“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.

“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto

“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”

And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.

Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada

Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.

One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.

Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.