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Indian Opposition Parties unite to take on Modi

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By Rajan Philips

As President Wickremesinghe gets ready to leave Colombo for his state visit to India (at the time of writing), the political news out of India is the jostling of Indian political parties into opposing alliances for the grand electoral battle for national power that will unfold in 2024. To date 64 parties have entered the fray, 26 for the Opposition who convened first in Patna and later in Bengaluru, and the governing BJP-led NDA alliance responding in Delhi with a tally of 38 parties.

In a multitudinous culture steeped in epics and mythologies, the alliance formation and the upcoming electoral battle might be seen as a modern and postmodern electoral version of the old Mahabharata in the age of the social media. Who will be seen as the new Pandavas and who as the Kauravas will depend on the eyes of the beholders. There is no Krishna to emerge and there is no prospect for a new Bhagavat Gita. Although Narendra Modi is brash enough to cast himself as Krishna for the great battle that he is manifestly spoiling for. And his followers are daft enough to make a Gita out of his random musings.

In the scheme of the current goings on in India, President Wickremesinghe’s visit will be less than a drop in the Ganges. Although the President and his Colombo clique will try to make a waterfall of it for Sri Lankan politics. Apart from preparing for the (epic) elections next year, the Modi government is also dealing with a full plate of international initiatives. India will be hosting the G20 Summit in September, and as a precursor hosted the gathering of the Group’s finance ministers this week in Ghandinagar, Gujarat’s capital. In August, the Prime Minister will be attending the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit hosted by South Africa.

The G20 and BRICS are having a tough time herding their members who are divided over Russia’s war in Ukraine. The G20 finance ministers could not agree on “a common language” on Ukraine for their customary statement, although according to India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, several members condemned Russia’s decision to withdraw from the Black Sea grain deal that allowed Ukrainian grain shipments to reach the world’s needier countries.

The BRICS gathering has got into hot waters with the county’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, going to court to force the South African government to arrest Vladimir Putin if he were to arrive in South Africa for the summit. The government and President Cyril Ramaphosa will have none of it, and Putin has decided to stay away from the summit on the advice of the South African President.

India is literally sitting on the fence on the Ukrainian matter and no one in the government is witty like Nehru to say that India will sit there as long it is comfortable, as he said during the early years of the Indochina conflict. But there is no sitting on the fence for the government when it comes to dealing with opposition parties within India. Internally, it is always a matter of drawing battlelines with those whom the Modi government does not agree. And the opposition parties do not care a hoot about all the global attention that Modi is attracting. For them, Modi’s global charisma is mileage unduly drawn from India’s population size and growing economic strength. Their contention is that Modi is destroying India from what it has been and what it ought to become.

From Patna to Bengaluru

The first gathering of opposition parties was held in Patna, in Bihar, on 23 June. The gathering did not cause much excitement. The inspiration behind the Patna meeting has been the spectacular showing of the Congress Party and its allies in the Karnataka State election in May. A second impetus is the concern among opposition parties that the BJP is using the state machinery to attack opposition leaders (e.g., Rahul Gandhi) and State governments led by the Congress or regional parties (e.g., Tamil Nadu, West Bengal). Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin reportedly called the opposition unity effort the “war cry of a united opposition” for the “rebirth of a secular democratic India.” Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has been the initial organizer behind the unity effort.

By the time the second gathering of the opposition leaders took place this week on July 18 in Bengaluru, Karnataka, the opposition alliance has picked up momentum. The number of parties attending rose from 15 in Patna to 26 in Bengaluru, and included state and national heavyweights: seven Chief Ministers, a number of former Chief Ministers, Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi from the Congress, as well as the Secretaries of the two Communist Parties – Sitaram Yechury (CPM) and D. Raja (CPI).

The objective has become clearer in Bengaluru: to form an alliance to contest the 2024 Lok Sabha election. An apparently unifying name has been formulated: the Indian National Developmental, Inclusive Alliance – to get the acronym INDIA – to counter Modi and his negation of secular India. Fight between Modi and I.N.D.I.A is fancied as potentially winning slogan. Cross-party camaraderie is said to have evolved, especially involving the Congress and the West Bengal Trinamool Congress leaders.

For housekeeping matters, the alliance will set up an 11-member co-ordination committee, with separate committees for specific actions, to develop consensus positions and eventually a common programme for the election. A common secretariat is also to be set up in Delhi which will also provide the war room for the election campaign. The next alliance meeting will be held in Mumbai, in Maharashtra, a state that is currently in a flux with criss-crossing shifts between political parties.

The Bengaluru show has excited far greater interest than the initial meeting in Patna, and has elicited a hurried response from the governing BJP, which convened a meeting of its own NDA (National Democratic Alliance) in New Delhi, on the same day as the opposition conclave in Bengaluru. The BJP leaders led by the Prime Minister himself have been indulging in political trash talk to belittle the opposition efforts to form a new alliance. Trash talk aside, the ruling BJP found it necessary to call its (NDA) alliance members suddenly for a meeting after ignoring them as a group and without calling any meeting for over a year.

From UPA TO INDIA

The fact of the matter is that the NDA is no alliance between political parties of comparable size. In the second Modi election victory in 2019, the BJP amassed on its own a whopping 301 seats out of the total 332 seats won by the NDA alliance, and a standalone majority in the Lok Sabha of 543 seats. All the others in the alliance contributed only 31 seats, of which Shiv Sena from Maharashtra accounted for 13 seats and everyone else contributing in single digits or nothing at all. Yet, the BJP needs the façade of an alliance to mitigate the harshness of its Hindutva core as it appeals to a broader Indian constituency at the polls.

In contrast, the opposition alliance is a group of political parties of comparable sizes either at the national level or at the state level. The new alliance is really an expansion of the old United Progressive Alliance (UPA), an alliance of centre-left political parties led by the main Congress Party, that was formed after the 2004 general election in which the ruling BJP was surprisingly defeated and the Congress emerged with the largest number of seats – 218 seats to BJP’s 181 seats, but short of the requisite 272 seats for majority.

The formation of the UPA enabled the Congress to form the new government with Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister. The alliance won again in 2009 but was defeated in 2014 when Narendra Modi scored his first national election victory as BJP leader. He won again in 2019 with greater success and higher seat count, and is now itching to go for a hat trick in 2024.

Unlike the post-election UPA in 2004, the new ‘INDIA’ alliance is a pre-election bandwagon and is intended as a common opposition election vehicle for 2024. The new alliance is also more centrist and more broad-based than the centre-left orientation of the UPA. The influence of the two Communist Parties is also not likely to be as pronounced as it was in the UPA. While the enthusiasm among the participants is palpable, and their resolve to push back on the Modi government’s domestic machinations is unmistakable (mostly out of necessity), it is still going to be an uphill battle to defeat Modi at the national level.

At the current Lok Sabha distribution of seats, with BJP-NDA accounting for 332 seats, the parties in the old UPA and the new INDIA total 142 seats, with Congress (49 seats), DMK (24 seats) and Trinamool Congress (23 seats) being the largest constituent members. As well, the BJP and its allies are in power in 17 Staes while the parties of the new INDIA alliance are in control in 11 States. So, for the opposition INDIA alliance it’s quite a steep hill to climb to secure a majority with at least 272 seats. To complicate matters, there are 11 parties with 62 members in parliament, who have not joined either of the two alliances. Three of them are also the governing parties in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Odisha.

Whatever might be the outcome in the upcoming elections, the formation of the new alliance shows a changing of minds among the opposition parties and their leaders, who have so far not been able to work together primarily because of personal egos, power struggles and electoral turf wars. They have finally realized that none of them standing alone has any chance of besting Modi. The new unity among them is a necessary condition for defeating Modi, but unity alone is not sufficient and there is no certainty that the unity will remain intact right through to the elections.



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‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform

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Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.

For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.

This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.

What is a ‘private university’?

First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.

The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.

For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.

Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.

Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?

All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).

Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities

In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.

Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.

Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.

At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.

Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.

Some thoughts at the end…


A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Ready for solo spotlight

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Nish Peiris: Excited about future plans

Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.

The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.

“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.

“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”

Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.

With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.

We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!

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Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto

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Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, with Sri Lankans doing the needful

While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.

Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Sohan Weerasinghe: In Canada, and ready to do the needful on 31st July

Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.

Gamini Hemalal: Creating all the excitement for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.

Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:

“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!

“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”

Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.

From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.

For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.

Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.

Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”

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