Features
Indian Opposition Parties unite to take on Modi
By Rajan Philips
As President Wickremesinghe gets ready to leave Colombo for his state visit to India (at the time of writing), the political news out of India is the jostling of Indian political parties into opposing alliances for the grand electoral battle for national power that will unfold in 2024. To date 64 parties have entered the fray, 26 for the Opposition who convened first in Patna and later in Bengaluru, and the governing BJP-led NDA alliance responding in Delhi with a tally of 38 parties.
In a multitudinous culture steeped in epics and mythologies, the alliance formation and the upcoming electoral battle might be seen as a modern and postmodern electoral version of the old Mahabharata in the age of the social media. Who will be seen as the new Pandavas and who as the Kauravas will depend on the eyes of the beholders. There is no Krishna to emerge and there is no prospect for a new Bhagavat Gita. Although Narendra Modi is brash enough to cast himself as Krishna for the great battle that he is manifestly spoiling for. And his followers are daft enough to make a Gita out of his random musings.
In the scheme of the current goings on in India, President Wickremesinghe’s visit will be less than a drop in the Ganges. Although the President and his Colombo clique will try to make a waterfall of it for Sri Lankan politics. Apart from preparing for the (epic) elections next year, the Modi government is also dealing with a full plate of international initiatives. India will be hosting the G20 Summit in September, and as a precursor hosted the gathering of the Group’s finance ministers this week in Ghandinagar, Gujarat’s capital. In August, the Prime Minister will be attending the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit hosted by South Africa.
The G20 and BRICS are having a tough time herding their members who are divided over Russia’s war in Ukraine. The G20 finance ministers could not agree on “a common language” on Ukraine for their customary statement, although according to India’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, several members condemned Russia’s decision to withdraw from the Black Sea grain deal that allowed Ukrainian grain shipments to reach the world’s needier countries.
The BRICS gathering has got into hot waters with the county’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, going to court to force the South African government to arrest Vladimir Putin if he were to arrive in South Africa for the summit. The government and President Cyril Ramaphosa will have none of it, and Putin has decided to stay away from the summit on the advice of the South African President.
India is literally sitting on the fence on the Ukrainian matter and no one in the government is witty like Nehru to say that India will sit there as long it is comfortable, as he said during the early years of the Indochina conflict. But there is no sitting on the fence for the government when it comes to dealing with opposition parties within India. Internally, it is always a matter of drawing battlelines with those whom the Modi government does not agree. And the opposition parties do not care a hoot about all the global attention that Modi is attracting. For them, Modi’s global charisma is mileage unduly drawn from India’s population size and growing economic strength. Their contention is that Modi is destroying India from what it has been and what it ought to become.
From Patna to Bengaluru
The first gathering of opposition parties was held in Patna, in Bihar, on 23 June. The gathering did not cause much excitement. The inspiration behind the Patna meeting has been the spectacular showing of the Congress Party and its allies in the Karnataka State election in May. A second impetus is the concern among opposition parties that the BJP is using the state machinery to attack opposition leaders (e.g., Rahul Gandhi) and State governments led by the Congress or regional parties (e.g., Tamil Nadu, West Bengal). Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin reportedly called the opposition unity effort the “war cry of a united opposition” for the “rebirth of a secular democratic India.” Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has been the initial organizer behind the unity effort.
By the time the second gathering of the opposition leaders took place this week on July 18 in Bengaluru, Karnataka, the opposition alliance has picked up momentum. The number of parties attending rose from 15 in Patna to 26 in Bengaluru, and included state and national heavyweights: seven Chief Ministers, a number of former Chief Ministers, Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi from the Congress, as well as the Secretaries of the two Communist Parties – Sitaram Yechury (CPM) and D. Raja (CPI).
The objective has become clearer in Bengaluru: to form an alliance to contest the 2024 Lok Sabha election. An apparently unifying name has been formulated: the Indian National Developmental, Inclusive Alliance – to get the acronym INDIA – to counter Modi and his negation of secular India. Fight between Modi and I.N.D.I.A is fancied as potentially winning slogan. Cross-party camaraderie is said to have evolved, especially involving the Congress and the West Bengal Trinamool Congress leaders.
For housekeeping matters, the alliance will set up an 11-member co-ordination committee, with separate committees for specific actions, to develop consensus positions and eventually a common programme for the election. A common secretariat is also to be set up in Delhi which will also provide the war room for the election campaign. The next alliance meeting will be held in Mumbai, in Maharashtra, a state that is currently in a flux with criss-crossing shifts between political parties.
The Bengaluru show has excited far greater interest than the initial meeting in Patna, and has elicited a hurried response from the governing BJP, which convened a meeting of its own NDA (National Democratic Alliance) in New Delhi, on the same day as the opposition conclave in Bengaluru. The BJP leaders led by the Prime Minister himself have been indulging in political trash talk to belittle the opposition efforts to form a new alliance. Trash talk aside, the ruling BJP found it necessary to call its (NDA) alliance members suddenly for a meeting after ignoring them as a group and without calling any meeting for over a year.
From UPA TO INDIA
The fact of the matter is that the NDA is no alliance between political parties of comparable size. In the second Modi election victory in 2019, the BJP amassed on its own a whopping 301 seats out of the total 332 seats won by the NDA alliance, and a standalone majority in the Lok Sabha of 543 seats. All the others in the alliance contributed only 31 seats, of which Shiv Sena from Maharashtra accounted for 13 seats and everyone else contributing in single digits or nothing at all. Yet, the BJP needs the façade of an alliance to mitigate the harshness of its Hindutva core as it appeals to a broader Indian constituency at the polls.
In contrast, the opposition alliance is a group of political parties of comparable sizes either at the national level or at the state level. The new alliance is really an expansion of the old United Progressive Alliance (UPA), an alliance of centre-left political parties led by the main Congress Party, that was formed after the 2004 general election in which the ruling BJP was surprisingly defeated and the Congress emerged with the largest number of seats – 218 seats to BJP’s 181 seats, but short of the requisite 272 seats for majority.
The formation of the UPA enabled the Congress to form the new government with Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister. The alliance won again in 2009 but was defeated in 2014 when Narendra Modi scored his first national election victory as BJP leader. He won again in 2019 with greater success and higher seat count, and is now itching to go for a hat trick in 2024.
Unlike the post-election UPA in 2004, the new ‘INDIA’ alliance is a pre-election bandwagon and is intended as a common opposition election vehicle for 2024. The new alliance is also more centrist and more broad-based than the centre-left orientation of the UPA. The influence of the two Communist Parties is also not likely to be as pronounced as it was in the UPA. While the enthusiasm among the participants is palpable, and their resolve to push back on the Modi government’s domestic machinations is unmistakable (mostly out of necessity), it is still going to be an uphill battle to defeat Modi at the national level.
At the current Lok Sabha distribution of seats, with BJP-NDA accounting for 332 seats, the parties in the old UPA and the new INDIA total 142 seats, with Congress (49 seats), DMK (24 seats) and Trinamool Congress (23 seats) being the largest constituent members. As well, the BJP and its allies are in power in 17 Staes while the parties of the new INDIA alliance are in control in 11 States. So, for the opposition INDIA alliance it’s quite a steep hill to climb to secure a majority with at least 272 seats. To complicate matters, there are 11 parties with 62 members in parliament, who have not joined either of the two alliances. Three of them are also the governing parties in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Odisha.
Whatever might be the outcome in the upcoming elections, the formation of the new alliance shows a changing of minds among the opposition parties and their leaders, who have so far not been able to work together primarily because of personal egos, power struggles and electoral turf wars. They have finally realized that none of them standing alone has any chance of besting Modi. The new unity among them is a necessary condition for defeating Modi, but unity alone is not sufficient and there is no certainty that the unity will remain intact right through to the elections.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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