Features
India is holding a mammoth election with nearly a billion voters
On 19 April, Indians will begin choosing a new parliament for the next five years, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeks a third consecutive term. Opinion polls put his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies ahead. They are up against the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (India), which groups more than two dozen opposition parties including Congress, which was dominant for decades until the BJP took office in 2014.
Scroll down to find out all about the staggering scale of the exercise, the powerful personalities and issues on which the election will be fought:
The election to the lower house (Lok Sabha) is taking place in a bitter atmosphere. The opposition say they have been denied a level playing field, with many leaders raided by federal law enforcement agencies. Congress said tax authorities had frozen its bank accounts for six weeks, hampering its campaign finances. Some opposition leaders, including popular Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, have been jailed on corruption charges they deny.
The opposition has appealed to India’s electoral authorities to intervene but the Election Commission itself has faced questions over its independence. The commission has refused to comment.
Some 969 million citizens are eligible to cast their ballot. To give you an idea, if you add together the populations of the US, Russia, Japan, Britain, Brazil and France – that comes close to how many Indians are on the electoral rolls. Since we are still a bit short, let’s also throw in Belgium.
Nearly 1.5 million polling booths have been set up across the country, with Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar vowing to “take democracy to every corner of India”.
“Our teams will walk the extra mile to reach every voter, whether they are in jungles or on snowy mountains. We will go on horseback, elephants, mules or helicopters. We will reach everywhere.”Rajiv Kumar, Chief Election Commissioner
While most polling booths are in schools, colleges and community centres, unusual locations are sometimes chosen – like shipping containers, mountain tops or forests. Polling booths are set up even in the remotest corners of the country
And when the commission says “every voter counts”, it’s not just a slogan. In the 2019 general election, five officials traveled by bus and on foot for two days so that a lone voter – a 39-year-old woman in the north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh – could exercise her franchise.
The most politically crucial state is Uttar Pradesh (UP). With more than 240 million people, it’s India’s most populous state and sends more MPs to parliament than any other. Analysts say “the way to Delhi is through UP” and a party that does well here is usually well-placed to rule India – eight of India’s prime ministers trace their roots to the state.
The BJP won 71 of UP’s 80 seats in 2014, a figure that dipped to 62 in 2019. Mr Modi, who is from Gujarat, chose UP to make his debut as an MP in 2014. He held his seat in the ancient city of Varanasi in 2019 and aims to do so again this year.
At the other end of the spectrum are three states in the north-east – Sikkim, Nagaland and Mizoram – and the federally-administered regions of Andamans, Lakshadweep and Ladakh, which elect one MP each.
Most of India – 22 states and federally-administered regions – need only one day for voting but some parts take longer. Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Bihar will vote in all seven phases.
The elections will decide the fate of thousands of candidates from six recognised national parties – including the BJP, the Congress, Delhi’s governing Aam Aadmi Party and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – as well as 58 recognised state-level parties. Candidates from many smaller parties will also be in the fray.
All eyes, however, will be on the heavyweights:
Narendra Modi
Prime Minister Modi, who is eyeing a historic third term, remains the frontrunner, with early opinion polls predicting his return. If the 73-year-old wins, he will equal the record of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first premier.
A polarising figure, Mr Modi remains a mass leader with millions of supporters who credit him with good governance and improving India’s standing internationally. But critics say his brand of muscular Hindu nationalism excludes minorities and he is out to change the secular fabric of the country.
Mr Modi’s use of religion and religious symbolism has proved potent in a country where 80% of the population is Hindu.
His catch-phrase for the 2024 election is “abki baar, char sau paar [this time we’ll cross 400 seats]”, a target the BJP has set for itself and its allies. A party needs 272 seats to win in India’s first-past-the-post system – in 2019, the BJP won 303.
Amit Shah
The man powering Mr Modi’s election juggernaut is Home Minister Amit Shah. He’s charted numerous successful election campaigns for the BJP.
Like his mentor, he’s a polarising figure. Supporters say he defends the Hindu faith. He is seen as the driving force behind controversial laws, from scrapping Kashmir’s partial autonomy to citizenship legislation that critics call anti-Muslim.
Yogi Adityanath
Mr Adityanath, the shaven-headed, saffron-robed Hindu monk-turned-chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, is considered the biggest mass leader in the BJP after PM Modi. He’s not standing in the general election but is playing a major role in the campaign in the bellwether state.
He’s a holy man to his many followers but critics call him a divisive politician who has used public rallies to whip up anti-Muslim hysteria. During his seven years in office, lynchings and hate speech against Muslims have often made headlines.
Rahul Gandhi
Mr Gandhi, who has never won a national election or been a minister, is the most prominent opposition leader. Most of this is down to his lineage: his great-grandfather Jawaharlal Nehru was independent India’s first PM and his grandmother and father both later served as prime ministers.
But as the BJP has risen over the past decade, Congress has shrunk. Some of the blame has been laid at the door of Mr Gandhi, who critics called “the reluctant prince” in his early years in politics.
Mr Gandhi has undertaken two long marches across India since 2022 He’s worked hard to counter that impression, including taking two long treks across the country aimed at “uniting Indians against hatred and fear”. Nonetheless, opinion polls put Congress well behind the BJP.
Sonia Gandhi
When Congress was last in office a decade ago, Mr Gandhi’s Italian-born mother Sonia was considered the most powerful woman in India. But the 77-year-old has been in poor health and has lost much of her political influence.
She maintains a hold over the party as chairperson. In January, Mrs Gandhi moved to the upper house so she is not contesting the Lok Sabha election.
Priyanka Gandhi
One name that does the rounds before every election is that of Priyanka, Rahul Gandhi’s charismatic sister – although she has never run for parliament.
Resembling her grandmother – former PM Indira Gandhi – she has campaigned extensively for Congress, winning praise for connecting with people. This time, too, supporters are clamouring for her to stand for election. Priyanka Gandhi has a marked resemblance to her grandmother, former PM Indira Gandhi
Arvind Kejriwal
One opposition figure looming over the election is Arvind Kejriwal, Delhi’s firebrand chief minister who is currently in jail.
He made his name as an anti-corruption crusader whose relatively young Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) beat both the BJP and Congress three times in a row to control the capital. It’s also in power in Punjab.
But in March he joined several of his senior party leaders when he was arrested. He’s denied corruption charges and accuses the government of being vindictive. Supporters fear his arrest will dent the AAP’s election campaign.
What will decide how Indians vote?
Will a grand new Hindu temple prove Mr Modi’s trump card? Will the economy, job prospects or welfare schemes be uppermost in voters’ minds? Or will they vote on the basis of caste or religion?
Ram temple
The temple to Hindu God Ram in the northern city of Ayodhya is expected to provide a divine push to Mr Modi’s election pitch by appealing to the majority Hindu community.
The temple – which replaced a 16th Century mosque torn down by Hindu mobs in 1992, sparking riots in which nearly 2,000 people died, was inaugurated with much fanfare by the PM in January.
The event was broadcast live on TV; schools, colleges and most offices were given a day off and people were encouraged to watch the ceremony.
Economy
Could PM Modi’s vow to make India “a developed nation by 2047”, its independence centenary, chime with voters?
India – with its GDP at $3.7tn (£3bn) – is the world’s fastest growing major economy. Last year, it beat the UK to become the fifth largest in the world and is on course to reach $7tn by 2027, which would see it leapfrog Japan and Germany into third spot after the US and China.
But the spoils of India’s boom are concentrated in few hands and inequality remains high. India ranks 140th in terms of global per-capita income and more than 34 million of its citizens live on less than $2.15 a day, even though government data shows “extreme poverty” has reduced a lot.
Jobs
Many voters will be thinking of jobs. Seven to eight million young Indians enter the labour market annually, but millions are unable to find work.
Recent government data shows falling unemployment and a steady increase in labour force participation – to 57.9% in 2022-23 from 49.8% five years earlier. But experts point out most new jobs are low-paying and poor quality – for example in agriculture or women doing unpaid family work.
A telling indication of distress is that millions more are now signing up for the $3-a-day government rural job scheme. Thousands are even ready to migrate to war zones for work.
Electoral bonds
They were meant to clean up murky political financing, but electoral bonds were recently banned by India’s top court, which ruled them “unconstitutional”. The court also ordered the government-run State Bank of India (SBI) to provide details of who bought them and how much parties received.
The fact that the BJP was the biggest beneficiary – securing almost half of bonds worth 120bn rupees ($1.4bn; £1.1bn) donated between 2018 and 2024 – isn’t looking good on Mr Modi’s report card.
Reports have linked many donations to companies being investigated by government anti-crime agencies. Calling it the “biggest scam in Indian history”, opposition parties allege the agencies were used for “extortion”, which ministers have denied.
Welfare
The scale of India’s welfare state is staggering: the Modi government claims it has spent hundreds of billions of dollars to help poor households, reaching more than 900 million people. A number of state leaders have also invested heavily in welfare schemes.
But does that free sack of rice or money to build toilets prompt people to vote for a party? Analysts say such schemes can help, but that they are unlikely to be the only driving factor.
Divisive politics
India has long had religious divisions but critics say fault lines have deepened in the decade since the BJP won power. They say India is becoming a Hindu state where its secular status is increasingly being challenged and its 200 million Muslims – the country’s biggest minority, accounting for some 14% of the population – are marginalised. The government rejects this, saying it is inclusive.
In the last Lok Sabha, the BJP did not have a single Muslim MP. Rights groups and activists also point to increasing violence against Muslims, especially in states governed by the BJP. The government denies accusations it has a divisive agenda and its supporters appear largely unconcerned by such criticisms.
The democracy question
The election comes amid accusations from the opposition, activists and global rights organisations that Indian democracy is under threat. Rahul Gandhi has accused the government of targeting opposition leaders, spying upon them and imposing constraints on parliament, the judiciary and the free press.
Organisations like Human Rights Watch say the Indian authorities have used politically motivated criminal charges, including terrorism, to jail many critics and foreign funding rules to harass the opposition, rights groups and the press – charges the government denies.
(BBC)
Features
Challenges faced by the media in South Asia in fostering regionalism
SAARC or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has been declared ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and the idea seems to be catching on. Over the years the evidence seems to have been building that this is so, but a matter that requires thorough probing is whether the media in South Asia, given the vital part it could play in fostering regional amity, has had a role too in bringing about SAARC’s apparent demise.
That South Asian governments have had a hand in the ‘SAARC debacle’ is plain to see. For example, it is beyond doubt that the India-Pakistan rivalry has invariably got in the way, particularly over the past 15 years or thereabouts, of the Indian and Pakistani governments sitting at the negotiating table and in a spirit of reconciliation resolving the vexatious issues growing out of the SAARC exercise. The inaction had a paralyzing effect on the organization.
Unfortunately the rest of South Asian governments too have not seen it to be in the collective interest of the region to explore ways of jump-starting the SAARC process and sustaining it. That is, a lack of statesmanship on the part of the SAARC Eight is clearly in evidence. Narrow national interests have been allowed to hijack and derail the cooperative process that ought to be at the heart of the SAARC initiative.
However, a dimension that has hitherto gone comparatively unaddressed is the largely negative role sections of the media in the SAARC region could play in debilitating regional cooperation and amity. We had some thought-provoking ‘takes’ on this question recently from Roman Gautam, the editor of ‘Himal Southasian’.
Gautam was delivering the third of talks on February 2nd in the RCSS Strategic Dialogue Series under the aegis of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo, at the latter’s conference hall. The forum was ably presided over by RCSS Executive Director and Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha who, among other things, ensured lively participation on the part of the attendees at the Q&A which followed the main presentation. The talk was titled, ‘Where does the media stand in connecting (or dividing) Southasia?’.
Gautam singled out those sections of the Indian media that are tamely subservient to Indian governments, including those that are professedly independent, for the glaring lack of, among other things, regionalism or collective amity within South Asia. These sections of the media, it was pointed out, pander easily to the narratives framed by the Indian centre on developments in the region and fall easy prey, as it were, to the nationalist forces that are supportive of the latter. Consequently, divisive forces within the region receive a boost which is hugely detrimental to regional cooperation.
Two cases in point, Gautam pointed out, were the recent political upheavals in Nepal and Bangladesh. In each of these cases stray opinions favorable to India voiced by a few participants in the relevant protests were clung on to by sections of the Indian media covering these trouble spots. In the case of Nepal, to consider one example, a young protester’s single comment to the effect that Nepal too needed a firm leader like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seized upon by the Indian media and fed to audiences at home in a sensational, exaggerated fashion. No effort was made by the Indian media to canvass more opinions on this matter or to extensively research the issue.
In the case of Bangladesh, widely held rumours that the Hindus in the country were being hunted and killed, pogrom fashion, and that the crisis was all about this was propagated by the relevant sections of the Indian media. This was a clear pandering to religious extremist sentiment in India. Once again, essentially hearsay stories were given prominence with hardly any effort at understanding what the crisis was really all about. There is no doubt that anti-Muslim sentiment in India would have been further fueled.
Gautam was of the view that, in the main, it is fear of victimization of the relevant sections of the media by the Indian centre and anxiety over financial reprisals and like punitive measures by the latter that prompted the media to frame their narratives in these terms. It is important to keep in mind these ‘structures’ within which the Indian media works, we were told. The issue in other words, is a question of the media completely subjugating themselves to the ruling powers.
Basically, the need for financial survival on the part of the Indian media, it was pointed out, prompted it to subscribe to the prejudices and partialities of the Indian centre. A failure to abide by the official line could spell financial ruin for the media.
A principal question that occurred to this columnist was whether the ‘Indian media’ referred to by Gautam referred to the totality of the Indian media or whether he had in mind some divisive, chauvinistic and narrow-based elements within it. If the latter is the case it would not be fair to generalize one’s comments to cover the entirety of the Indian media. Nevertheless, it is a matter for further research.
However, an overall point made by the speaker that as a result of the above referred to negative media practices South Asian regionalism has suffered badly needs to be taken. Certainly, as matters stand currently, there is a very real information gap about South Asian realities among South Asian publics and harmful media practices account considerably for such ignorance which gets in the way of South Asian cooperation and amity.
Moreover, divisive, chauvinistic media are widespread and active in South Asia. Sri Lanka has a fair share of this species of media and the latter are not doing the country any good, leave alone the region. All in all, the democratic spirit has gone well into decline all over the region.
The above is a huge problem that needs to be managed reflectively by democratic rulers and their allied publics in South Asia and the region’s more enlightened media could play a constructive role in taking up this challenge. The latter need to take the initiative to come together and deliberate on the questions at hand. To succeed in such efforts they do not need the backing of governments. What is of paramount importance is the vision and grit to go the extra mile.
Features
When the Wetland spoke after dusk
By Ifham Nizam
As the sun softened over Colombo and the city’s familiar noise began to loosen its grip, the Beddagana Wetland Park prepared for its quieter hour — the hour when wetlands speak in their own language.
World Wetlands Day was marked a little early this year, but time felt irrelevant at Beddagana. Nature lovers, students, scientists and seekers gathered not for a ceremony, but for listening. Partnering with Park authorities, Dilmah Conservation opened the wetland as a living classroom, inviting more than a 100 participants to step gently into an ecosystem that survives — and protects — a capital city.
Wetlands, it became clear, are not places of stillness. They are places of conversation.
Beyond the surface
In daylight, Beddagana appears serene — open water stitched with reeds, dragonflies hovering above green mirrors.
Yet beneath the surface lies an intricate architecture of life. Wetlands are not defined by water alone, but by relationships: fungi breaking down matter, insects pollinating and feeding, amphibians calling across seasons, birds nesting and mammals moving quietly between shadows.
Participants learned this not through lectures alone, but through touch, sound and careful observation. Simple water testing kits revealed the chemistry of urban survival. Camera traps hinted at lives lived mostly unseen.
Demonstrations of mist netting and cage trapping unfolded with care, revealing how science approaches nature not as an intruder, but as a listener.
Again and again, the lesson returned: nothing here exists in isolation.
Learning to listen
Perhaps the most profound discovery of the day was sound.
Wetlands speak constantly, but human ears are rarely tuned to their frequency. Researchers guided participants through the wetland’s soundscape — teaching them to recognise the rhythms of frogs, the punctuation of insects, the layered calls of birds settling for night.
Then came the inaudible made audible. Bat detectors translated ultrasonic echolocation into sound, turning invisible flight into pulses and clicks. Faces lit up with surprise. The air, once assumed empty, was suddenly full.
It was a moment of humility — proof that much of nature’s story unfolds beyond human perception.

Sethil on camera trapping
The city’s quiet protectors
Environmental researcher Narmadha Dangampola offered an image that lingered long after her words ended. Wetlands, she said, are like kidneys.
“They filter, cleanse and regulate,” she explained. “They protect the body of the city.”
Her analogy felt especially fitting at Beddagana, where concrete edges meet wild water.
She shared a rare confirmation: the Collared Scops Owl, unseen here for eight years, has returned — a fragile signal that when habitats are protected, life remembers the way back.
Small lives, large meanings
Professor Shaminda Fernando turned attention to creatures rarely celebrated. Small mammals — shy, fast, easily overlooked — are among the wetland’s most honest messengers.
Using Sherman traps, he demonstrated how scientists read these animals for clues: changes in numbers, movements, health.
In fragmented urban landscapes, small mammals speak early, he said. They warn before silence arrives.
Their presence, he reminded participants, is not incidental. It is evidence of balance.

Narmadha on water testing pH level
Wings in the dark
As twilight thickened, Dr. Tharaka Kusuminda introduced mist netting — fine, almost invisible nets used in bat research.
He spoke firmly about ethics and care, reminding all present that knowledge must never come at the cost of harm.
Bats, he said, are guardians of the night: pollinators, seed dispersers, controllers of insects. Misunderstood, often feared, yet indispensable.
“Handle them wrongly,” he cautioned, “and we lose more than data. We lose trust — between science and life.”
The missing voice
One of the evening’s quiet revelations came from Sanoj Wijayasekara, who spoke not of what is known, but of what is absent.
In other parts of the region — in India and beyond — researchers have recorded female frogs calling during reproduction. In Sri Lanka, no such call has yet been documented.
The silence, he suggested, may not be biological. It may be human.
“Perhaps we have not listened long enough,” he reflected.
The wetland, suddenly, felt like an unfinished manuscript — its pages alive with sound, waiting for patience rather than haste.
The overlooked brilliance of moths
Night drew moths into the light, and with them, a lesson from Nuwan Chathuranga. Moths, he said, are underestimated archivists of environmental change. Their diversity reveals air quality, plant health, climate shifts.
As wings brushed the darkness, it became clear that beauty often arrives quietly, without invitation.

Sanoj on female frogs
Coexisting with the wild
Ashan Thudugala spoke of coexistence — a word often used, rarely practiced. Living alongside wildlife, he said, begins with understanding, not fear.
From there, Sethil Muhandiram widened the lens, speaking of Sri Lanka’s apex predator. Leopards, identified by their unique rosette patterns, are studied not to dominate, but to understand.
Science, he showed, is an act of respect.
Even in a wetland without leopards, the message held: knowledge is how coexistence survives.
When night takes over
Then came the walk: As the city dimmed, Beddagana brightened. Fireflies stitched light into darkness. Frogs called across water. Fish moved beneath reflections. Insects swarmed gently, insistently. Camera traps blinked. Acoustic monitors listened patiently.
Those walking felt it — the sense that the wetland was no longer being observed, but revealed.
For many, it was the first time nature did not feel distant.

A global distinction, a local duty
Beddagana stands at the heart of a larger truth. Because of this wetland and the wider network around it, Colombo is the first capital city in the world recognised as a Ramsar Wetland City.
It is an honour that carries obligation. Urban wetlands are fragile. They disappear quietly. Their loss is often noticed only when floods arrive, water turns toxic, or silence settles where sound once lived.
Commitment in action
For Dilmah Conservation, this night was not symbolic.
Speaking on behalf of the organisation, Rishan Sampath said conservation must move beyond intention into experience.
“People protect what they understand,” he said. “And they understand what they experience.”
The Beddagana initiative, he noted, is part of a larger effort to place science, education and community at the centre of conservation.
Listening forward
As participants left — students from Colombo, Moratuwa and Sabaragamuwa universities, school environmental groups, citizens newly attentive — the wetland remained.
It filtered water. It cooled air. It held life.
World Wetlands Day passed quietly. But at Beddagana, something remained louder than celebration — a reminder that in the heart of the city, nature is still speaking.
The question is no longer whether wetlands matter.
It is whether we are finally listening.
Features
Cuteefly … for your Valentine
Valentine’s Day is all about spreading love and appreciation, and it is a mega scene on 14th February.
People usually shower their loved ones with gifts, flowers (especially roses), and sweet treats.
Couples often plan romantic dinners or getaways, while singles might treat themselves to self-care or hang out with friends.
It’s a day to express feelings, share love, and make memories, and that’s exactly what Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka, of Cuteefly fame, is working on.
She has come up with a novel way of making that special someone extra special on Valentine’s Day.

Indunil is known for her scented and beautifully turned out candles, under the brand name Cuteefly, and we highlighted her creativeness in The Island of 27th November, 2025.
She is now working enthusiastically on her Valentine’s Day candles and has already come up with various designs.
“What I’ve turned out I’m certain will give lots of happiness to the receiver,” said Indunil, with confidence.
In addition to her own designs, she says she can make beautiful candles, the way the customer wants it done and according to their budget, as well.
Customers can also add anything they want to the existing candles, created by Indunil, and make them into gift packs.
Another special feature of Cuteefly is that you can get them to deliver the gifts … and surprise that special someone on Valentine’s Day.
Indunil was originally doing the usual 9 to 5 job but found it kind of boring, and then decided to venture into a scene that caught her interest, and brought out her hidden talent … candle making
And her scented candles, under the brand ‘Cuteefly,’ are already scorching hot, not only locally, but abroad, as well, in countries like Canada, Dubai, Sweden and Japan.
“I give top priority to customer satisfaction and so I do my creative work with great care, without any shortcomings, to ensure that my customers have nothing to complain about.”
Indunil creates candles for any occasion – weddings, get-togethers, for mental concentration, to calm the mind, home decorations, as gifts, for various religious ceremonies, etc.
In addition to her candle business, Indunil is also a singer, teacher, fashion designer, and councellor but due to the heavy workload, connected with her candle business, she says she can hardly find any time to devote to her other talents.
Indunil could be contacted on 077 8506066, Facebook page – Cuteefly, Tiktok– Cuteefly_tik, and Instagram – Cuteeflyofficial.
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