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Hopeless again with disappointment plus fear to write on PTA and tidbits from a Sunday paper

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“The object of terrorism is terrorism. The object of oppression is oppression. … The object of power is power. Now do you begin to understand me?” George Orwell, 1984

The hot topic of now is the PTA. Those initials to ex-teacher Cassandra stand for a totally innocuous group of usually cooperating Parents and Teachers in an Association to help parents’ kids left in charge of teachers for much of weekdays. It had both head and heart working together. The PTA discussed widely now is totally otherwise, descriptive words being draconian, against human rights and inclusive of torture; extra judicial too.

The PTA is an Act passed temporarily by J R J in 1978 and made permanent in 1982 to enable the police to search, arrest, detain suspected terrorists. “Sri Lanka’s PTA has been used for over 40 years to enable prolonged arbitrary detention, to extract false confessions through torture, and to target minority communities and civil society groups. After years of domestic and international criticism of the law, the SL government of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on January 22, 2022, published a bill to amend the act.” And in this month of August it was brought back in force by President Ranil Wickremasinghe,

Cassandra is not competent to comment on it, but she listened to discussions by competent people. One excellent session of exposition and comment was Monday August 22 Face the Nation facilitated by Shameer Rasooldeen with Thyagi Ruwanpathirana – Researcher at Amnesty International; Ambika Satkunanathan of the Human Rights Commission; and Dr Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu – CPA, who spoke on all matters related to the PTA. They unanimously and roundly condemned its being brought into effect now with the signing by the President of an initial 90-day incarceration of three activists who were said to have been mostly peaceful – no terrorism shown by them.

Earlier on the Monday, Faraz Shouketaly interviewed Srinath Perera PC, who was outspoken about the PTA brought into force. More than once he said there was a hidden hand behind the move; implying the Prez was influenced/forced to act this way by …. (Your guess is correct as mine is; Kaw Kaw and all that). Cassandra disapproved strongly of those who broke police barriers and surrounded Parliament some time ago. She has said enough is enough about protest marches. She most definitely disapproved and condemned the forced entry into the President’s official residence and other most important government buildings; and horrendously using the swimming pool, eating, and sleeping on flags in President’s House. But these condemned behavioural misdemeanors did not amount to acts of terrorism.

Cass, though limited in know-how of political and law matters, wonders with genuine concern and fear what effect the brought back PTA will have on the upcoming sessions in Geneva of the Human Rights Council and the report on Sri Lanka that the Director General of UNHRC will present. Also worried about our GSP benefit; and the PTA’s shadow casting itself on the discussions with, and decisions of, the IMF. Her response is that the PTA brought into force is like killing a fly with a hammer, while a much softer and unlethal fly swatter could have done the job much more efficiently, with no repercussions to follow.

Those protest leaders taken in for an initial 90 days should have been summoned to meet the President and Ministers concerned, along with Police high ups and warned and even cajoled to stop their protest capers and help in the economic recovery of the country.

Malala Yousafzai said: “With guns you can kill terrorists, with education you can kill terrorism.”

Storm in a glass of wine Maybe it was a stronger drink, but it and partying have caused a storm of protest of prude busy bodies after a video of 36-year-old Sanna Marin, PM of Finland, went viral worldwide. She has said she “did nothing but dance, sing, hug my friends and drink alcohol.” She was partying and had every right to enjoy herself. Accusations were flung that she was high on drugs so she volunteered to undergo a test and underwent it. She was also rapped in December 2021 for going to a club where a Covid positive person was. But why fault her, when the fault lay squarely on the Covid infected person? How was Marin to know? However, she apologised for this no fault of hers too.

Finland is ranked the happiest country in the world for the fifth successive year. Partying is most definitely a happiness producing activity. Cassandra asks stridently what on earth is wrong with a young pretty Head of a country enjoying a party with friends. Have all women heads to be staid and proper like German former Chancellor Angela Merkel or sweetly sacrificial and completely non-partisan as Jacinda Arden?

In retaliation to the unjustified crit of the young PM, Finnish, Danish and English women had posted social media pictures and videos of them partying and dancing. One comment was “If letting off steam at a party is the worst thing your PM had done, they you’re a pretty lucky country” Cass says amen to that.This reminds us of the fact that the PM of Britain was faulted heavily for partying in the premises of 10 Downing Street during Covid lockdowns over there. He was deposed from the premiership, however, for lying continuously about the parties. This brings us to our own country. Please let Cass be mum as there is so much to be said of our leaders and their shenanigans. Presidents included; not gents only!

Rich statements

Made by Minister Prasanna Ranatunga and reported in the Daily Mirror of Tuesday August 23. He insisted the UDA launch legal action to recover money from activists of the Aragalaya for damage caused to the Galle Face Green which he estimates at Rs five million. The Aragalaya was a peaceful protest so how did they damage the Green? They erected tents etc but that is a temporary inserting of spikes or whatever in the ground. The damage was caused by those drunken marauders who emerged from Temple Trees instigated by just abdicated PM and his boot-licking golaya – Johnston. What about damages caused by this same acolyte and other abusive and destructive pohottuwas in Parliament? Have they paid damages for broken chairs, mikes, etc? No. They haven’t even received the slightest official reprimand for their reprehensible behaviour, leave along being punished. And where should Ranatunge really be? In Welikada for soliciting a three million bribe. He roams free with a suspended jail sentence of six years.

As reported by Don Manu in his Sunday Punch in the Sunday Times of August 21, Minister Bandula Gunawardena claims it is a statutory right that an ex-Prez’s expenses be reimbursed as per the President Entitlement Act 1986. “Each and every executive president retired and widows … enjoy benefits, privileges and special facilities and they are also paid an allowance… The government is committed to paying former President Rajapaksa’s bills.” Star hotel hideouts scrounged for with chartered planes transferring the scared former Strong Man, after fleeing the home country? NOT SO! The ex-Prez slunk away afraid to remain in the country he drove to bankruptcy and utter despair. He did not retire.

Don Manu comments succinctly on this: “The people asked for Gota to go home, not for him to flee the country. If the ex-President chose self-exile to remaining at home, shouldn’t it be his lookout? Shouldn’t expenses incurred in taking flight be his to bear from his own funds and not from the public’s pauperised purse?

We fear Prez Ranil W R will OK this expense, plus government paying compensation for the burning of mostly rogues’ mansions. Everyone of those was NOT built with earnings, bequeathment or family wealth. The exception of course is Ranil W’s home which arson bereft Royal College of a most valuable endowment.The universal comment of us Ordinaries in this Land Like No Other is: “Mr Prime Minister, shed that second surname you have been given. You are Exec Prez. Shake off puppeteers and do the best for the people of the country on your initiative, using your executive power, not serve just one family.”

Super duper statements

Rip Van Winkle in his 5th Column in the Sunday Times of August 21 addressing his weekly letter to the Prez asks: “Or is it that yours is a Udin Ranil, Yatin Basil government. Is Uncle Basil telling you who you should appoint as ministers…?”

Don Manu in his Sunday Punch in the same paper ponders thus: “Wonder why only he (Gotabaya R) must reap the whirlwind when the whole family (Rajapaksa clan of several brothers, sons, nephews, cousins, in-laws) had sown the wind.”

NOTE: What’s within parenthesis are Cassandra’s additions.

Cass ends her chat on a hopeless note: we the people may object, suggest, ask for, but Prez Ranil W R will do as The Family says. Utterly sad, no? Unnecessary too. There has to be a limit to gratitude.



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Opinion

Panadura debate: special exhibition most welcome

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The special exhibition displaying original manuscripts relating to the Panadura Debate at Rankoth Vihara is welcome and, as Nishantha Peiris mentions (News, 30 Aug), the debate gained international interest following the publication of a book containing the speeches made in the debate. The credit for this must be given to John Capper, the then editor of the Ceylon Times. He published an account of each day’s proceedings in his paper and the full text of the speeches in a book entitled ‘Full Account of the Buddhist Controversy Held at Pantura in August 1873.

The preface of the book stated: ‘In the belief that an authentic account of the Controversy which took place at Pantura in August last, between a Buddhist Priest and two Ministers of the Protestant religion, will be read with interest by a large number of persons here and in Europe. I have produced the proceedings in the present form. The report has been revised by the respective disputants, so that it may be taken as a correct account of what passed’.

Capper’s book was picked up by J M Peebles who was in India, who then published an extended version in the United States. If an original copy of Capper’s book is available in Sri Lanka, it should be exhibited in the Rankoth exhibition.

Yours faithfully,

Dr R P Fernando,

19 Danetree Close,
Epsom UK

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In Memory of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda

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Dr. Pethiyagoda

It is with a deep sense of sadness that I record the passing of Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda, who died on 27 August 2026 at the age of 94. To many, he was a distinguished scientist, accomplished administrator, diplomat and public intellectual. To me, he was much more than that.

Dr Pethiyagoda was a proud product of Trinity College, Kandy. At a time when a first class in Botany was a rarity, he obtained one and subsequently pursued postgraduate studies in London. His scientific career reflected not only his knowledge but, more importantly, an enquiring and restless mind that was never satisfied with simply accepting what was known.

In the 1970s, he headed the Plant Physiology Department of the Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. He was part of a formidable team of scientists that included Drs R L de Silva, R L Wickramasinghe, P Sivapalan, Tilak Wettasinghe and W Danthanarayana. They were scientists who contributed enormously to the development of the tea industry in Sri Lanka, and Dr Pethiyagoda stood comfortably among them.

In 1978, he moved to the Coconut Research Institute as its Director. It was there that I had the privilege of working with him. Those years left a lasting impression on me.

Dr Pethiyagoda was, in every sense, a complete scientist. Although his formal specialisation was plant physiology, he was remarkably comfortable discussing almost anything scientific. What distinguished him was his curiosity. He questioned the science behind the ordinary things that most of us simply accepted. I remember his asking questions such as, why is an orange green in Sri Lanka? It was typical of him: an apparently simple observation would lead him to ask what lay behind it.

That curiosity never left him.

After his tenure at the CRI, he undertook an FAO assignment in the Middle East, working on the improvement of date palms. There he was exposed to agriculture under conditions of severe water scarcity. He pursued this further during a visit to Israel, learning about agronomic practices suited to such environments. Later, when he worked with the Mahaweli Authority, he was able to translate that knowledge into practice, introducing high-value horticultural crops to Systems B and C.

What impressed me was not merely that he acquired knowledge, but that he connected knowledge from one context to another and turned it into practical solutions. His enquiring mind and analytical ability enabled him to do this with remarkable effectiveness.

He was equally impressive as a communicator. Dr Pethiyagoda was an eloquent speaker, whether he was talking about science, agriculture, public policy or the everyday affairs of our country. His speeches were often laced with wit, humour and the occasional tongue-in-cheek remark. But beneath the humour was a very serious mind. He was forthright in his opinions and, importantly, he was not afraid to express them, whatever the possible repercussions.

His contributions to the media demonstrated this courage.

Writing about the travel to London by a former President, he observed:

“Where a person enjoys immunity by virtue of his position, this carries a reciprocal obligation to exercise an abundance of exemplary behaviour. In effect, immunity is best exercised, when the need to invoke it, is never allowed to arise.”

[Immunity Does Not Confer Impunity – Colombo Telegraph]

That was quintessential Pethiyagoda—precise, pointed and impossible to misunderstand.

He was equally outspoken about the government’s decision to ban inorganic fertiliser with ‘immediate effect’. He was deeply distressed by what he believed would be the consequences for farmers, particularly the poorer farming community. He would speak about it almost every day, driven not by political considerations but by his conviction that science and evidence had been disregarded.

In one of his writings on the subject, he remarked:

“What the ‘Vipathmaga’ caper taught us was that advice of sundry ‘Experts’ can be disastrous. Professors of Surgery, clergymen and Pediatricians are not the best equipped to advise on fertilisers, as much as a Soil Scientist should not prescribe treatment for a sick child.’ [Some Lessons That Can Be Learned Even From Disasters – Colombo Telegraph]

And in another article, his frustration was summed up in the memorable words:

“Stupidity, like History, has a way of repeating itself.”

[Unscrambling eggs – Colombo Telegraph]

These were not simply provocative statements. They reflected a scientist who believed deeply that public decisions, particularly those affecting agriculture and the livelihoods of farmers, should be based on evidence and sound scientific advice.

Perhaps, what I will remember most about Dr Pethiyagoda is that his curiosity survived almost to the very end of his life.

Very recently, he was still asking questions and pursuing ideas. He was interested in the possible genetic differences between the waraka and wela varieties of jak, because he wondered whether the wela variety might have commercial potential for cellulose extraction. He was disappointed that he could not find relevant scientific literature in Sri Lanka. More than the particular subject, what struck me was that at 94 he was still thinking about a scientific question, looking for evidence and wondering whether an apparently ordinary resource could have an important national application. He lamented the lack of interest among scientists and academics in such questions of national importance. That concern, too, was very much part of who he was.

Dr Pethiyagoda also served as President of the National Academy of Sciences, Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his term because he was appointed Ambassador to Italy, with representation at the Food and Agriculture Organization in Rome. Even in that role, he remained very much the scientist. I understand that he made a significant contribution to FAO discussions. As Ambassador, he also had the unenviable task of entertaining Sri Lankan Ministers of Agriculture who attended FAO sessions. I know from my own conversations with him that those informal dinners were not merely social occasions. He would discuss agricultural issues with the Ministers, and I have little doubt that his views—and the force with which he expressed them—sometimes influenced their thinking.

Looking back, what I admired most about Dr Pethiyagoda was not any particular position he held or any particular achievement. It was the way he thought.

He questioned.
He analysed.
He connected ideas.
He challenged conventional wisdom.
And he was willing to say what he believed to be true.

He also demonstrated that science should not remain confined to laboratories, research papers or academic institutions. For him, science was a way of looking at the world and, ultimately, a means of improving the lives of people.

It is perhaps ironic that, only a few months ago, he wrote about “The Cost of Dying”, as distinct from the “Cost of Living”. In that article, he reflected on the manner in which our mortal remains should be disposed of, observing: “I am in two minds regarding the manner in which the mortal remains are disposed of, ‘according to the will of the deceased’. But with the cessation of the breath, ownership or tenancy ceases.” Even in contemplating death, he brought his characteristic questioning mind to the subject. What particularly caught my attention, however, was his explanation of the Buddhist practice of holding dânes (almsgivings) for monks of the local temple in the seventh day and third month following a death. I had never really thought about the significance of this practice before. That, too, was typical of Dr Pethiyagoda: he could take something that we had accepted as ordinary and familiar and make us stop, think and see it differently.

His passing has created a colossal vacuum in Sri Lanka’s scientific community. People of his intellectual breadth, curiosity, courage and independence are rare. We may not always have agreed with everything he said, but we could never doubt that he had thought deeply about it and that he had the courage of his convictions.

For those of us who had the privilege of knowing him, there is sadness in his passing. But there is also gratitude—for having known such an extraordinary mind, for having learnt from him, and for having witnessed at close quarters his unwavering commitment to science and to the development of our country.

I shall remember Dr Pethiyagoda with great affection and immense respect.

Ranjith Mahindapala
Past President, National Academy of Sciences of Sri Lanka.

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A neighbour’s view of India’s strategic strengths

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What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase

by Milinda Moragoda

In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

As India marks eight decades of Independence, its strategic position has changed almost beyond recognition. Yet the central question of strategic autonomy remains. What India chooses to do with the strategic freedom it has built over eight decades may be the defining question of its next phase.

India has spent the past decade expanding its strategic choices — deepening ties with the US, Europe and Japan while maintaining important ties with Russia and strengthening engagement with the Gulf, Africa and Southeast Asia. Australia and New Zealand are also becoming increasingly important partners in the wider Indo-Pacific. At the same time, India has sought a larger voice for the developing world in international institutions. Strategic autonomy has traditionally been understood in diplomatic terms: the ability to maintain freedom of action without being drawn into competing power blocs. In an increasingly interconnected world, however, that freedom will depend just as much on economic choices.

The objective should be strategic interdependence — building sufficiently diverse relationships that dependence on any one country or economic system does not become a vulnerability. India is unusually well placed to pursue this. Its geography connects the Gulf and wider West Asia, the manufacturing economies of Asia, Africa across the Indian Ocean and the Eurasian space extending through Russia. The opportunity, therefore, is to become a connector between economies increasingly fragmented by geopolitical competition.

India’s relationship with Japan is extending into advanced manufacturing, technology, energy, semiconductors and critical minerals. Its engagement with the US is deepening across technology, investment, advanced manufacturing, energy and strategic cooperation, while its engagement with Europe is becoming increasingly economic and technological. Its relationships with the Gulf are expanding beyond energy into investment and connectivity. Australia and New Zealand add an important southern dimension to its wider Indo-Pacific engagement, while Southeast Asia provides pathways into wider Asian production networks.

Russia remains an important part of this equation. India’s continuing engagement with Moscow, alongside its deepening relationships with Washington, Tokyo, Europe and the Gulf, demonstrates that strategic autonomy gives India the flexibility to maintain important relationships across geopolitical divides.

China inevitably occupies a special place in this landscape. India’s answer cannot be either excessive dependence or complete separation. It will require strengthening domestic capabilities, diversifying supply chains and building partnerships elsewhere, while retaining space for engagement where interests permit.

India possesses another asset that few countries can match: a large, globally active and influential diaspora. Yet the diaspora can also present challenges, as political currents within these communities do not always align with India’s interests and can occasionally create sensitivities in its relations with host countries. The greater opportunity lies in nurturing the economic, intellectual and cultural connections the diaspora can create, while respecting its diversity and independence. In the emerging global economy, countries will increasingly seek multiple sources of energy, technology, capital, minerals and markets. India can contribute by helping create an open network rather than another exclusive bloc.

Ports, shipping routes, energy corridors, digital infrastructure, supply chains and trade agreements increasingly shape strategic influence. India’s challenge is to bring these strands together without turning them into a closed sphere of influence.

India’s economic rise will be more sustainable if other countries see themselves as participants in its growth rather than simply as markets for it. The value for India lies in making these relationships complementary rather than choosing among them. India’s leadership of the Global South can now move beyond representation in international forums towards creating an international economic environment in which developing countries have greater choices. India’s own experience is relevant here. It has moved from a relatively closed economic model towards deeper global integration while retaining a strong emphasis on domestic capability. The lesson is that openness and strategic autonomy need not be contradictory.

As the G20 meets again in Miami in December, India can continue to argue that the Global South should not merely seek greater representation within existing institutions, but a greater stake in shaping the economic networks and institutions of the future. An economically integrated Indian Ocean could allow countries such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and the Maldives to participate more deeply in regional supply chains, logistics, energy, tourism, technology and services. Influence based on shared prosperity is more durable influence based on dependence. India’s strategic opportunity, therefore, lies in becoming one of the principal connectors of a changing world.

(Milinda Moragoda is founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, strategic affairs think tank, and can be contacted via email @milinda.org.)

Courtesy Hindustan Times

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