Features

History and purpose of National Institute of Fundamental Studies

Published

4 years ago

2022/01/13

By Kirthi Tennakone

The National Institute of Fundamental Studies commemorated its 40th anniversary of inception, in December 2021. It is an opportunity to recollect history, highlight achievements, assess performance and identify the constraints. The legislative enactment of the Institute, 40 years ago, was a sequel of sorts about the importance of indulging in fundamental research, a discourse in Sri Lankan academia that has its beginnings in the early 1950s.

As a result of representations made to the Government by several prominent dons of the University of Ceylon, the Minister of Scientific Research at the time, M.D.H. Jayawardena appointed a committee, in 1969, to examine a proposal for the establishment of a Physico-Mathematical Institute, or Institute of Theoretical Studies, in Sri Lanka, later named the Institute of Fundamental Studies.

What prompted the Government of Sri Lanka to undertake this venture?

After World War II, developing nations were awakened to the obvious outcomes of modern physics, which originated in Europe. The political and economic impact of scientific advancements, notably electronics and nuclear energy, greatly widened the gap between the East and West. Many come to the hasty conclusion that borrowing foreign technologies and installing them in their lands would remedy the situation. Fortunately, a few visionaries correctly identified the true cause of the East-West disparity as the neglect of fundamental studies by the former.

Fundamental studies involve investigating nature for the sake of curiosity and attempting explanations, correlations and generalisations, the pattern of argument which opens the path for formulating scientific theories capable of making predictions. The West acquired electronics and nuclear energy primarily because of fundamental research with a heavy component of theory and the technology that followed was secondary.

India and Sri Lanka were positioned well ahead of other Asian countries to embark on fundamental studies, because of the exposure to science, introduced by the British. Many who received physics and mathematics education in Britain, proven persons of eminence, returned to their home countries. Homi Bhabha, who associated with leading physicists in Britain and the United States, persuaded the Indian Government to establish the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. Dr. A.W. Mailvaganam worked in Cambridge during the time of Ernest Rutherford, who discovered the atomic structure, and returned to Sri Lanka in 1939, to assume duties as the Professor of Physics, University of Ceylon. He initiated research in cosmic ray physics in Colombo and gained international acclaim. Jayaratnam Eliezer, a student of the quantum theory pioneer Paul M. Dirac, was appointed the Professor of Mathematics 1949. At Cambridge, he won the Isaac Newton Scholarship in Mathematics. Eliezer continued research at Colombo and was foremost among those who worked on the challenging problem of introducing quantum mechanics to the theory of electricity.

Inspired by the work carried out at the University of Ceylon, Colombo, many Sri Lankans opted to study advanced physics in foreign universities. Time was ripe to consider the establishment of a separate institute for the purpose. Discussions related to the idea surfaced around the mid-1950s when Eliezer returned from the Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton, United States, after a year long sabbatical. At Princeton Eliezer worked with Robert Oppenheimer. Unfortunately, the discussions were delayed, possibly because Eliezer tendered his resignation to accept a position at the University of Malaya.

The public opinion, about fundamental science, greatly influenced the Government of Sri Lanka to consider a proposal for the establishment of an Institute for Fundamental Studies. Testing of thermonuclear weapons and how the thermionic valve in the radio was replaced by the transistor to make it less bulky amazed people. The total solar eclipse on 20 June, 1955 stoked interest in advanced science. How would you predict the eclipse so precisely? Newspapers said that Einstein’s Theory of Relativity, which is abstruse mathematics, will be tested at the time of the eclipse. People heard that the cause of inheritance was understood by adapting methods of physics into biology. I was an Eighth Grade student at the time. My father said, “You cannot comprehend nature without resorting to mathematics.” This was the scientific atmosphere in Sri Lanka in the mid-1950s.

Any discussion on the history of fundamental studies in Sri Lanka should not forget to mention those who highlighted the importance of modern science, distinguishing it from religion and traditional thinking. Kuruppumulage Jinendradasa was one of the first to talk about modern science in public forums. Abraham Kovoor explained the folly of superstition. E.W. Adikaram introduced modern science in Sinhala. Astronomer Allen Abraham Ambalavanar wrote articles on scientific topics in Tamil. Ven. Walpola Ruhula Thera argued that science and religion are two different things.

In India, Rabindranath Tagore, who vehemently attacked brutalities of colonial rule, also opposed the rise of blind nationalism, immediately after independence; pointing out that Western thinking and modern science cannot be ignored. Two Sri Lankans, Ven. Udakendawala Siri Saranankara Thera and Ven. Narawila Dhammaratana Thera (both involved in the Indian Freedom Movement and the former a student of Tagore) held similar views. These forgotten men influenced our society.

Prof. Senarath Paranavithana and the Vice Chancellor of the University of Ceylon, Sir Nicholas Attygalle, supported Prof. A.W. Mailvaganam in persuading the government of Sri Lanka, to establish an institution in Sri Lanka devoted to fundamental studies. Unfortunately, follow-up action was slow, possibly because the opening of the Peradeniya Science Faculty and two new universities (Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara) had been a priority.

In June, 1969, Minister of Scientific Research at the time, M.D.H. Jayawardena, appointed a 12 member committee, headed by Prof. Mailvaganam, to submit a proposal to establish an institution, devoted to advanced theoretical studies, in the fields of mathematics, statistics and physical sciences. The committee included professors of mathematics and physics from all the universities in Sri Lanka and Dr. V. Ramanathan of the Ministry served as the secretary. On request of the committee, Prof. P.C.B. Fernando of Vidyodaya University, Physics Department, visited Research Institutions in India to learn how they are managed. After a comprehensive study, a detailed report was presented to the Ministry, in 1970. The general consensus of the committee was that the Institute of Mathematical Sciences in Madras is a good model to copy. Accordingly, an almost exactly parallel Act was drafted.

For reasons unknown to the writer, nothing happened until the late 1970s, when President J.R. Jayewardene, instructed UGC Chairman, Stanley Kalpage, to revive the establishment of the proposed institution. The writer accompanied Prof. P.C.B Fernando to two of these meetings. A question regarding the name of the proposed institute came up. Names suggested in the proposal were ‘Institute of Theoretical Studies’ and ‘Physico-Mathematical Institute’. The writer pointed out that ‘Institute of Fundamental Studies’ would be more apt in describing the purpose of the institute, which was accepted. I sometimes regret making this suggestion. The name ‘Institute of Fundamental Studies’ instead of ‘Theoretical Studies’ permitted the organisation to entertain themes far removed from fundamental studies, in its true spirit. The draft Act was revised and the new version presented to the Parliament included life sciences as one of the themes; modern biology, indeed, has a theoretical component.

In 1981 Prof. Chandra Wickramasinghe was appointed the first Director of the Institute of Fundamental Studies. He served in this capacity until 1984 and the Institute conducted a conference on panspermia. In the inaugural speech President Jayewardene said, “The Institute would contribute to expanding of the man’s knowledge about himself and the universe around him.”

Later, President Jayewardene was disturbed by the slow progress of the Institute in meeting its objectives. Around late 1984, he requested Prof. Cyril Ponnamperuma to take up the position of Director. As an experimentalist, he was a bit apprehensive as the Institute is mandated to emphasise theoretical studies. The Board of Governors also reviewed activities and Prof. Mailvaganam kept on emphasising the necessity of pursuing the intended mandate. Being a visionary, Professor Ponnamperuma consulted two persons of eminence, Sir George Porter (Chemistry Nobel Laureate) and Abdus Salam (Physics Nobel Laureate), foreign fellows of the Institute. Both of them visited the IFS, the writer participated in the discussions, on invitation of the Director. They suggested that, at the beginning, the Institute may entertain few experimental projects to gain recognition, as theoretical studies are more challenging and take longer to mature. Prof. Ponnamperuma succeeded in this effort and stabilised the institution.

He highlighted the importance of research publications as a measure of performance.

Ponnamperuma introduced the art of conducting world class conferences. The Srinivasa Ramanujan Birth Centenary conference held at the IFS, in 1988, was an unforgettable event, attended by world renowned mathematicians. He founded the first endowed chair in Sri Lanka, funded by the entrepreneur P. Sumanasekara and obtained a JICA grant to equip laboratories. Ponnamperuma insisted that appointments in the IFS should be made on contractual basis, a proven mechanism for eliminating ‘dead wood’ and curtailing projects that turn out unsatisfactory.

Ponnamperuma wished for the Institute to engage in frontiers. When high temperature superconductivity was discovered, he encouraged research in this subject. Similarly when rumours were floating around that nuclear fusion could be achieved in a table-top experiment, he provided necessary material to test the hypothesis. Despite Ponnamperuma’s success in gaining recognition for the IFS, a number of projects far removed from the mandate were also entertained, diluting the intended theme of the Institute.

Unassuming humble persons who were dedicated to a noble cause, sometimes receive no credit, because they never resort to tactics of building an image. A person of this brand, who served the IFS, was Aries Kovoor. He held a professor ranking research position at CNRS Sorbonne, Paris. He was appointed as the Advisor on Scientific Affairs to the President, therefore a member of the Board of Governors of IFS. He constantly emphasised to the authorities that the IFS should confine itself to basic research and stressed the importance of provisions for the purpose. He succeeded in convincing the policymakers, at the time, that investment in fundamental studies, irrespective of immediate practical utility, is absolutely essential.

In 1996, the Board of Governors once again noted that the Institute had deviated from the theme of fundamental studies and instructed reorganisation of projects. The effort was only partly successful. Subsequently, the Institute moved further away from the theme of fundamental studies in the pretext of catering to projects of so-called national importance, which can be conducted more appropriately in institutions devoted to applied science.

Overall, the Institute of Fundamental Studies is a success story in creating a research culture in Sri Lanka worthy of celebration, at the time of its 40th anniversary. All the Directors, research and support staff had contributed to this effort. More, importantly, this is also the opportune time to examine the factors limiting its progress in meeting mandated objectives. Has the IFS met the intended purpose of its establishment?

Since its inception, fundamental research carried out worldwide has expanded explosively, arousing general curiosity. The elementary particle, Higgs boson, predicted to exist 50 years ago was experimentally detected in 2012; gravitational waves observed in 2015; and gene editing techniques developed during the past few years are expected to revolutionise medicine. Sri Lanka cannot turn a blind eye to such findings and insist that solar cells, batteries, fertiliser and monitoring water quality are our themes of fundamental research! Recent developments in high energy physics, cosmology, astrophysics, theoretical chemistry, computational and theoretical biology are not included in IFS research themes. These are not costly affairs. We need to provide opportunities for the younger generation to engage in challenging frontier themes.

The purpose of the IFS should not be building laboratories for every ‘triviality’ but engaging in endeavours which require more brains than sophisticated equipment. The Institute has to capture the best minds and motivate the young. When it comes to fundamental studies, mediocrity has no place. It is also the duty of the IFS to come forward against occult practices, pseudoscience and ideologies and convey that these have no rational basis but, instead, are detrimental to society. Myths about supernatural powers, alternative medicines and quackeries and implicit fertilisers continue to perpetuate.

The IFS was established for the noble cause of promoting advanced basic research to inspire the nation, with a goal of achieving a status similar to that of the Institute of Advanced Study Princeton, United States. It should be protected from intrigues of mediocrity and those with vested interests who propose dilutions of its theme. Idiotic advisers have misled the policymaker stifling the agriculture of the nation. The writer sincerely hopes that the same would not happen to the IFS.

(Based on a talk delivered on the occasion of the 40^th anniversary of the National Institute of Fundamental Studies.)

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Features

High Stakes in Pursuing corruption cases

Published

15 hours ago

2026/05/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Kapila Chandrasena

The death of the most important suspect in the Sri Lankan Airlines Airbus deal has drawn intense public speculation. Kapila Chandrasena the former CEO of the heavily loss-making national airline was found dead under circumstances that the police are still investigating.

He had recently been arrested by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption in connection with the controversial Airbus aircraft purchase agreement signed in 2013. Police investigations are continuing into the cause of death and whether or not he committed suicide. The unresolved death brings to light the high stakes involved in accountability efforts of this nature.

The uncertainty surrounding Chandrasena’s death has revived public memories of other mysterious deaths linked to corruption investigations and public scandals. Among them is the death of Rajeewa Jayaweera, a former SriLankan Airlines executive and outspoken critic of the Airbus transaction. He was following in the tradition of his father, the late foreign service officer and public servant Stanley Jayaweera who mentored the younger generation in good governance practices and formed the group “Avadhi Lanka” along with icons such as Prof Siri Hettige. Rajeewa had written a series of articles exposing irregularities in the deal before he was found dead near Independence Square in Colombo in 2020. The CCTV cameras in that high security area were turned off. Questions raised at that time whether or not he had committed suicide were not satisfactorily resolved.

The controversy about the cause of Chandrasena’s death is diverting attention away from the massive damage done to the country by the SriLankan Airlines deal itself. The value of the aircraft agreement was close to the size of the International Monetary Fund bailout package that Sri Lanka desperately needed by 2023 in order to stabilise the economy after bankruptcy. Sri Lanka’s IMF Extended Fund Facility amounted to about USD 3 billion spread over four years. The comparison shows the scale of the losses and liabilities that irresponsible and corrupt decisions have imposed on the country and which must never happen again.

Wider Pattern

The corruption linked to the Airbus transaction came fully into the open only because of investigations conducted outside Sri Lanka. In 2020 Airbus agreed to pay record penalties of more than EUR 3.6 billion to authorities in Britain, France and the United States to settle global corruption investigations. Sri Lanka was identified as one of the countries where bribes had allegedly been paid in order to secure contracts. The Airbus deal involved the purchase of six A330 aircraft and four A350 aircraft valued at approximately USD 2.3 billion. Investigations showed that Airbus paid bribes amounting to nearly USD 16 million in order to secure the contract. According to court submissions, at least part of this money amounting to USD 2 million was transferred through a shell company registered in Brunei and routed through Singapore bank accounts linked to the late airline CEO and his wife.

The commissions involved in this deal may seem comparatively small compared to the overall value of the contracts but devastating in their consequences. But they also show that a few million dollars paid secretly to decision makers could lead to the country assuming liabilities worth hundreds of millions or even billions of dollars over decades. This is why corruption is not simply a moral issue. It is a direct economic assault on the living standards of ordinary people. Money lost through corruption is money unavailable for schools, hospitals, rural development and job creation. In the end the burden falls on ordinary citizens who are left to repay debts incurred in their name without receiving commensurate benefits in return.

The SriLankan Airlines transaction gives an indication of the wider pattern of corruption and misuse of national resources that has taken place over many years. This was not an isolated incident. There were numerous large scale infrastructure and procurement projects that imposed heavy debts on the country while enriching politically connected individuals and their associates. Other projects such as the Colombo Port City, Hambantota Harbour and highway construction reveal a similar pattern.

Less publicised but equally damaging scandals have involved fertiliser medicine and energy contracts. Investigations into medicine procurement in recent years uncovered allegations that substandard pharmaceuticals had been imported at inflated prices causing both financial losses and risks to public health.

Moral Renewal

The present government appears determined to investigate major corruption cases in a manner that no previous government has attempted. Those who ransacked and bankrupted the treasury need to be dealt with according to the law. There is considerable public support for efforts to recover stolen assets and ensure accountability.

In his May Day speech President Anura Kumara Dissanayake stated that around 14 corruption cases were nearing completion in the courts this very month and called upon the public to applaud when verdicts are delivered. Political opponents of the government claim that such comments could place pressure on the judiciary and blur the separation between political leadership and the courts. But the deeper public frustration that underlies the president’s remarks also needs to be understood.

The challenge facing Sri Lanka is twofold. The country must ensure that justice is done through due process and independent institutions. If anti corruption campaigns become politicised they can lose legitimacy. But if corruption and abuse of power continue without consequences the country will remain trapped in a cycle of economic decline and moral decay. Sri Lanka also needs to confront past abuses linked to the war period. There are allegations of kidnapping, extortion, disappearances and criminal activity in which members of the security forces have been implicated. Vulnerable sections of the population suffered greatly during those years. If political leaders turned a blind eye or actively connived in such crimes they too need to be held accountable under the law. Selective justice will not heal the country. Accountability must apply across the board regardless of political position, ethnicity or institutional power.

Sri Lanka has paid a very heavy price for corruption and impunity. The economic collapse of 2022 did not occur overnight. It was the result of years of bad governance, reckless decision making, abuse of power and the misuse of public wealth. If the country is to move forward the focus cannot be diverted by sensational speculation alone. Suspicious deaths and political intrigue may dominate headlines for a few days. But the larger issue is the system that enabled corruption to flourish without accountability for so long. The real national task is to end that system. Sri Lanka cannot build a prosperous future on a foundation of corruption and impunity. Unless those who looted public wealth are held accountable and the systems that enabled them are dismantled, the country risks repeating the same cycle again.

Jehan Perera

Features

When University systems fail:Supreme Court’s landmark intervention in sexual harassment case

Published

15 hours ago

2026/05/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Over seven years after making an initial complaint of sexual harassment against her research supervisor, Dr. Udari Abeyasinghe, then a temporary lecturer and now a senior lecturer at the University of Peradeniya, has been finally served justice. On May 8, 2026, the Supreme Court made the following directions regarding Udari’s fundamental rights case: “1) The 1st Respondent [her research supervisor] is prohibited from accepting any post, whether paid or not or honorary, in any university, educational institute or other academic institution; 2) The UGC to issue a direction to all universities and other institutions, coming under its purview, to abstain from giving any appointment, whether paid or not, or honorary, to the 1st Respondent; and 3) The University of Peradeniya, including the Council and respective Respondent [sic], are directed to take appropriate measures to enforce and raise awareness of the University of Peradeniya’s policy on Sexual or Gender-Based Harassment and Sexual Violence for staff and students, including conducting mandatory annual seminars for all academics, staff and students.” I recently spoke with Udari to learn about her experience battling the University’s sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) procedures.

Violence and injustice

Udari was a temporary lecturer when she began working on her MPhil degree. Her research supervisor was a Senior Professor and Dean of her faculty. The harassment began in 2017.

When Udari reached out for support to the SGBV Committee of the University of Peradeniya, the Chair explained the complaint procedure, including how a third party could make a complaint on her behalf. In July 2018, Udari’s mother made a written complaint to the Vice Chancellor (VC). “The very next day [my supervisor] called me … and asked me to withdraw the complaint because it would look bad for me … the university should have taken measures to separate the complainant from the perpetrator … but nothing like that happened.”

Before making the formal complaint, Udari reached out to other academic staff at her Faculty. She shared her experience with a few close colleagues. Many advised her to leave the Faculty. “No one in the Faculty supported me publicly, although some sympathised privately … I was a temporary lecturer … no one really cared.” Some of her colleagues and non-academic staff who knew about the harassments, asked her to avoid involving them because they feared retaliation from higher powers.

Udari faced a preliminary inquiry and then a formal inquiry. The preliminary inquiry took place about four months after her complaint, and the inquiry committee recommended proceeding to a formal inquiry. The latter was held about a year after the initial complaint. “I got to know unofficially that [my supervisor] had got hold of all the statements made at the preliminary inquiry and pressured some colleagues to change their statements before the formal inquiry.” During the time of the formal inquiry, an anonymous letter (“kala paththaraya”) was circulated among staff: “It was a character assassination … the same kala paththaraya would get circulated from time to time.” After the formal inquiry committee submitted its report and recommendations, Udari was informed, in writing, that the University Council had dismissed the report.

“Neither the preliminary inquiry report nor the formal inquiry report were shared with me … I had to make a formal request to the VC and only then did I get a copy of the preliminary inquiry report… I had to get the formal inquiry report through an RTI (a request under the Right to Information Act). What I understand is that [my supervisor] had influenced the Council … that’s why they rejected the report…saying there had been a delay of six months to make a complaint ….” (N. B. there are no time limitations for submitting a complaint in the SGBV by-laws of the University of Peradeniya, although such time bars exist at other universities).

Udari then submitted formal complaints to the University Grants Commission (August 2020) and the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (December 2020), and finally filed a fundamental rights case at the Supreme Court in March 2021. Five years later, on May 8th 2026, Udari’s complaint was vindicated.

University procedures and inquiries

When her mother submitted the complaint against her supervisor, Udari was a temporary lecturer. She had given up her dream of pursuing an academic career because she did not think she would be recruited to a permanent position after making a complaint against a faculty member. It is encouraging that Udari was recruited, but in most instances, students and junior staff endure and stay silent to avoid jeopardising their academic careers. We currently have no procedures in place at universities to protect victims and witnesses from backlash.

According to Udari, the former Chair of the SGBV Committee and the members of her preliminary inquiry panel played a crucial role in her case, and, in her words, “could not be influenced.” But SGBV by-laws at state universities place inordinate power in the hands of the Council and VC. According to the SGBV by-laws of the University of Peradeniya, the Council appoints the 15-member SGBV Committee comprising “[t]wo (02) persons from among the members of the Council; [t]en (10) persons drawn from the permanent and senior members of the academic community; and [t]hree (03) persons external to the University, from among the retired academic or administrative staff of the University” (Section 2.1). While the by-laws recommend appointing persons who have demonstrated “gender-sensitivity, proven interest in working on issues of gender equality and equity, and trained to investigate and inquire into cases of sexual or gender-based harassment and sexual violence” (Section 2.1), we know this is often not the case. In many universities, VCs control which cases are taken up and end up in an inquiry. Most students and staff at state universities have little faith in the existing SGBV complaint procedures.

As Udari experienced, the decisions of inquiry committees can be overruled and dismissed by University Councils, indicating the importance of appointing appropriate members to the Councils. The Deans of faculties, who are Ex-officio members, usually collude to protect their own interests and fiefdoms, while the appointment of external members to Councils is deeply politicised. At present, there is no application process or vetting of candidates before they are appointed. They are usually persons who are seen to be sympathetic to the incumbent political dispensation. Furthermore, external members are dependent on the university hierarchy for information on the issues being discussed, the details of which are often hidden from them. It is not surprising then that University Councils would adjudicate on the side of power.

Final recommendation

Beyond barring Udari’s former research supervisor from holding positions in the university system, the Supreme Court has directed the University of Peradeniya to raise awareness on SGBV among staff and students. While SGBV is addressed in the induction courses and orientation programmes at universities, staff and students must be made aware of the nitty-gritties of complaint procedures, including time bars, which were crucial to the outcome of Udari’s case. But is raising awareness sufficient? Do we have ways to hold university authorities accountable for arbitrary and/or prejudicial decision-making and other abuses of power?

For Udari, life continues to be difficult, with constant surveillance of her activities.

“In November 2024 , I shared a post about my case.. it was a newspaper article stating that the Supreme Court had granted leave to proceed… I just took a photograph of it and posted it on my Facebook without any captions… a few weeks later I was summoned by higher authorities…I was informed that several academics had verbally complained about me using my social media to tarnish the name of the faculty and the university and, if that’s the case, that I should know that the University Council has the authority to take action against me … we also spoke briefly about the case and at one point I was told that this incident (harassment) happened to me because I showed some positivity towards (the perpetrator) …”

Let’s hope that university administrations pause before victimising and revictimising SGBV survivors in future. As a community, we have to rethink the hierarchical ways in which universities function and create a meaningful mechanism that supports students and staff to complain without fear of repercussion.

Thank you, Udari, for taking this step forward. University administrations will have to stop, listen and change their ways.

(Ramya Kumar is attached to the Department of Community and Family Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Jaffna, and is an alumna of the University of Peradeniya).

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

By Ramya Kumar

Features

‘Nidahase’ in the spotlight

Published

15 hours ago

2026/05/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Senani Wijesena, the Sri Lankan-Australian singer-songwriter, known for fusion pop/R&B with ethnic elements, like the tabla and sitar, is in the news again.

She was featured in The Island, in early April (2026), regarding her career in the music scene, and the release of her first ever Sinhala song ‘Nidahase.’

The song was released in Sri Lanka, on 17th April, with Senani in town to do the needful.

The music video was filmed at the Polgampola Waterfall, in Sri Lanka, and also features co-star Senura Ambegoda … playing the romantic interest.

Describing the setup, Senani had this to say:

“To achieve the high falls scenes, I had to climb large rocks and slippery edges to get to the top of the falls, and I had to do it in the yellow saree I was wearing. Of course the film crew assisted me.”

The initial scenes were filmed in bustling Pettah where Senani meets co-star Senura Ambegoda, working in a street stall, and when their eyes meet it triggers a memory of soul connection and transports her into another world entering the forest scene.

The forest, says Senani, symbolically represented a retreat to nature and peace.

The couple later rejoin at Colombo City Centre where they danced together and enjoyed each other’s company.

Says Senani: “The short dance routine was created on the spot, on set. Senura is a dance teacher, as well as a model and actor, and we learnt the routine, in 10 minutes, before it was filmed.”

‘Nidahase’ means Freedom in English – about being free in life, love, expression and movement.

It’s, in fact, a reworked version of her highly successful English song ‘Free’ which was nominated for a Hollywood Music In Media award in the RNB/Soul category, and also reached the Top 20 of the Music Week Dance charts in the UK.

‘Nidahase’ can be heard on all streaming platforms, including Spotify, Apple Music and Amazon.

Senani’s YouTube channel is www.youtube.com/senanimusic

Her social media pages are: www.instagram.com/senanimusic and www.facebook.com/senanimusic. Her website is www.senani.com

For the record, Senani is the daughter of film actress Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya and Dr Lanka Wijesena.