Friday 8th May, 2026

Pity the land that needs heroes, Brecht has famously said. Some countries have gone to the extent of elevating political greenhorns to positions of power, expecting them to play messianic roles, simply because of their popularity in the tinsel world and adeptness at uttering Goebbelsian lies and making Machiavellian promises.

Tamil Nadu voted overwhelmingly for Vijay (Joseph Vijay) recently. However, his party, the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) could not secure an outright majority, and his political journey has had a bumpy start. He has been left with no alternative but to resort to political horse trading to form a coalition government. The Congress has reportedly made overtures to the TVK, and a political marriage of convenience is said to be likely.

The problem with most actors-turned-politicians in this region is that they tend to consider real world politics as a mere extension of their celluloid reality, and, worse, act accordingly. True, there are some exceptions, but they only prove the rule.

We could have ignored Vijay’s theatrics and campaign slogans, and considered them problems confined to Tamil Nadu, if not for their implications for Sri Lanka. Vijay obviously lacks experience to navigate complex political and economic issues. Tamil Nadu actors’ stunts in films defy the laws of physics and are hugely entertaining, but they are of no use in the real world vis-à-vis economic and political challenges. Among Vijay’s campaign promises that helped him garner enough popular support to win the recent election are a 2,500-rupee monthly allowance for women heads of households, six free cylinders of LPG a year for families, one sovereign gold ring each for all newborns, a 15,000-rupee education assistance allowance for mothers of schoolchildren, a 4,000-rupee monthly allowance for unemployed graduates, Rs. 5 lakh as new start-up loans, and Rs 25 lakh for biz launch loans. These promises, if ever implemented, will cost Tamil Nadu more than 50% of its annual tax revenue, according to Indian media reports. So, all signs are that most of them will go unfulfilled, and Vijay and TVK will have their work cut out to retain popular support. Trouble for Sri Lanka is bound to begin when they struggle to shore up their approval ratings.

Sri Lanka is the last resort of all failed Tamil Nadu politicians, as it were. Vijay has already called for ‘retrieving’ Katchatheevu. He is emulating his predecessors. He is likely to intensify his Katchatheevu campaign and flog the fishermen’s issue harder when the going gets tough for him so as to divert public attention from burning problems. The BJP will do everything in its power to undermine the TVK and recover lost ground in Tamil Nadu, but Vijay’s interests and those of the BJP overlap where Katchatheevu, the delayed Provincial Council elections, devolution, ethnic issues in Sri Lanka, and illegal fishing are concerned.

The JVP’s India policy has undergone a sea change over the years. Unlike in the past, when it dismissed India’s concerns about Sri Lankan issues as intentions of domination, the JVP is today subservient to India. The JVP-led government will therefore have to address the issues raised by the BJP and the TVK, devolution being prominent among them.

The JVP made short work of one Vijay in the late 1980s, as it considered him an obstacle in its path.It gunned down Vijaya (or Wijaya) Kumaratunga, popularly known as Vijay, because he led the political forces supportive of devolution and the Provincial Council system. About 38 years on, it has another Vijay to contend with, albeit in India, and the issues which it sought to resolve by killing Vijay have not gone away. The JVP-led government is under Indian pressure to implement the 13th Amendment fully and hold the much-delayed PC polls.

There have been various analyses of Vijay’s victory in Tamil Nadu and its implications for Sri Lanka. Some analysts have stressed the need for the JVP-NPP government to view challenges arising from the rise of the TVK as opportunities and strategise to enlist the support of Tamil Nadu as a development partner. This no doubt should be on Sri Lanka’s agenda. However, prudence demands that while being cautiously optimistic, Sri Lanka remain mindful of the possibility of having to deal with a more hostile Tamil Nadu under Vijay’s leadership and find ways and means of dealing with such an eventuality.

Thursday 7th May, 2026

A government move to assign some Clean Sri Lanka representatives to Divisional Secretariats countrywide as coordinators has run into stiff resistance. The Sri Lanka Association of Divisional Secretaries and Assistant Divisional Secretaries (SLADA) has written to the Secretary to the President, urging the government to revoke its decision and warning that the proposed move will seriously undermine the independence of the public service.

Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, too, has taken exception to the government plan to assign some JVP cadres to Divisional Secretariats as Clean Sri Lanka coordinators. He told the media yesterday the JVP was trying to infiltrate the state service, and the Opposition would oppose that move tooth and nail.

The SLADA has argued that Sri Lanka already has a long-established administrative framework to ensure effective public service delivery, spanning ministries, departments, provincial councils, district and divisional secretariats down to Grama Niladhari divisions. This system is supported by internal audit units, the National Audit Office, and coordination committees at divisional, district and national levels, which oversee and review programme implementation. While acknowledging some isolated instances of politically influenced conduct of a small number of officials, the SLADA has stressed that the overall administrative structure has functioned as an independent, professional system and its independence must not be compromised.

The government decision to appoint Clean Sri Lanka representatives to Divisional Secretariats should also be viewed against the backdrop of the JVP’s overall strategy to create conditions for establishing what is described in some quarters as a parallel state. JVP stalwart, K. D. Lalkantha, created quite a stir in 2024 by claiming that under a JVP-NPP government legislative and judicial powers would be devolved to villages.

The JVP/NPP is working according to a plan to expand its powerbase through the Constituency Councils or Kottasha Sabha, which remind us of the Citizen Committees or Janatha Committees (JCs) set up by the SLFP-led United Front government (1970-77) purportedly to bring administration closer to the people. The JCs were established in government departments, public corporations, and local administrative units to monitor state administration, advise public officers, help eliminate corruption, delays and waste, encourage public participation in governance and facilitate the implementation of development initiatives. But, in reality, they became highly politicised, with their members undermining the authority of state officials. They clashed with administrators, trade unions and ended up as mere appendages of the government. They were also responsible for the downfall of the UF government. The JVP/NPP is apparently repeating that disastrous experiment.

Old habits are said to die hard. The JVP is accused of using the Clean Sri Lanka programme to infiltrate vital state institutions in a bid to arrogate to itself the powers of the state instead of exercising them through the NPP government for five years. This is something it failed to achieve through extra-parliamentary means for about six decades. Speaking at a recent May Day rally, JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva stated that the JVP-led government would remain in power indefinitely. Some other JVP bigwigs have said they would not let go of power. Given the JVP’s violent past, such utterances cannot be dismissed as mere rhetoric.

It is possible that in a bid to perpetuate its hold on power, the JVP is trying to emulate the Soviet model and set up its cells in state institutions like those established by the Communist party in the USSR to function as its “eyes and ears”. The Soviet system functioned on the principle that the party was the “leading and guiding force” of society. It has been reported that by the late Soviet period, there were hundreds of thousands of such primary organisations, covering nearly every sphere of public life. Those cells did not survive the collapse of the USSR.

Ordinary people are not well disposed towards the state service, characterised by inordinate delays, malpractices and arrogance, and it needs a radical shake-up. What needs to be done is to depoliticise and revitalise the public service, and therefore the ongoing efforts to politicise it further must be defeated. One cannot but endorse the SLADA’s demand that the government revoke its decision to infiltrate the Divisional Secretariats, allowing the existing administrative mechanisms to handle programme implementation lest such precedent should have long-term adverse implications for the independence of the public service.

Wednesday 6th May, 2026

The tragic death of Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Rajapaksha, 50, has given rise to doubts, suspicions and various conspiracy theories. It has become an issue reminiscent of the complex plot twists and tropes found in classic whodunits such as Agatha Christie’s Murder on the Orient Express and modern murder mysteries like Knives Out. Not even a postmortem examination has helped put the matter to rest. Two schools of thought have emerged about Rajapaksha’s death. One asserts that he committed suicide after being suspended over the diversion of USD 2.5 million from the Treasury to a rogue account, and the other insists that foul play cannot be ruled out.

No sooner had Rajapaksha been found dead, on 30 April, than a four-member panel of forensic experts was appointed to conduct a postmortem examination, and its report was submitted fast. The experts reportedly concluded that the victim had committed suicide. But their conclusion has been challenged in some quarters.

Prominent Opposition politicians and legal experts are among those who argue that Rajapaksha’s death was not properly probed, and the postmortem report is therefore not acceptable. They have gone to the extent of alleging that Rajapaksha’s death was part of a grand cover-up, the implication being that they suspect murder. Some of them have claimed that Rajapaksha, who was reportedly the first to complain of the fund diversion at issue, faced the same fate as Dan Priyasad, who made a formal complaint of the questionable release of red-flagged freight containers without mandatory Customs inspection from the Colombo Port. Priyasad was shot dead in 2025.

As for Rajapaksha’s death, there is no evidence to prove the allegation of foul play, but doubts and suspicions being expressed about it could have a corrosive effect on the integrity of the legal and judicial processes, and should therefore be cleared forthwith. After all, anything is possible in this country, where governments have earned notoriety for subverting the legal and judicial processes to protect their political interests.

There have been allegations that narcotics samples sent to the Government Analyst’s Department for testing were replaced with kurakkan flour. The JVP/NPP politicians are among those who have questioned the validity of a DNA test that revealed that Sarah Jasmine, the widow of Muhammadu Hastun, who carried out the Katuwapitiya Church massacre, in 2019, had been among the National Thowheed Jamaath members killed in a suicide bomb blast in Sainthamarathu a few days after the Easter Sunday terror attacks. So, the government cannot fault those who have refused to accept the official version of Rajapaksha’s death.

In an article published on the opposite page today, Prof. Susirith Mendis has mentioned several instances where JMO reports were found to have been erroneous or even falsified. Arguing that postmortem examinations are prone to error, negligence and falsification, Prof. Mendis mentions a fourth possibility, a legitimate academically defensible difference of opinion and points out that neither medicine nor forensics is an exact science. He says that whether the four-member expert panel looked into all aspects of the death of Rajapaksha is a moot point.

Some legal experts have called for a psychological autopsy to find out Rajapaksha’s mental state at the time of his death. They are right in having asked for an investigation into the victim’s life, behaviour and mindset in the period leading up to his death, as it is alleged that he may have been driven to suicide. Psychological autopsies are common in other countries, where they are conducted by forensic experts, clinicians and legal authorities. They may not provide absolute proof but can help courts, investigators and victim families understand what may have happened.

Given the serious doubts and suspicions expressed by experts, politicians and others about Rajapaksha’s death, the need for a fresh postmortem examination cannot be overstated.