Features
Hands-on management of the peace process by RW’s 2001 administration
(Continued from last week)
Ranil Wickremesinghe set about managing the peace process like a chief executive officer of a corporate entity. The vision was clear: there was a strategic plan; there was a road map with mile posts to be negotiated; the need to build capacity in the institutional framework which was to support the plan of action, and so on. There were things to be done within Sri Lanka and things outside. Following this strategic plan, his action was literally based on three pillars: thinking out of the box; having trust in those one was dealing with; and using the support of friends. It proved to be a simple and effective tripod.
Ranil would hold that too much analysis – raising every possible. doubt one could imagine, arguing and debating till ‘the cows came home’ – would inevitably lead to paralysis. That had been the problem in the past too much theorizing, not enough action. He was confident that since it was the LTTE who had unilaterally and at the start of his government, declared a cease-fire and invited negotiations for peace, they were serious this time, impelled by several domestic and global circumstances.
Ranil began by taking some very courageous steps like disbanding the military check-points which had given Colombo the look of a city under siege. Many people, including high police and military officials kept warning him that it would lead to disaster and bombs set off by the LTTE cadres who had and would continue to infiltrate the city in increasing numbers.
He next began working on the de-proscription of the LTTE. A ban on the organization had been imposed locally in February 1998 (long after some important foreign countries had done so) for its thoughtless and criminal attack on the Dalada Maligawa, the citadel of Buddhism in the historic city of Kandy. This had touched the very core of the sensitivities of the Sinhala Buddhist public and banning the LTTE at that time was deemed the first step as an action against them. Now, four years later, the thought of de-banning the organization at a time when the entire world seemed to be mobilized against terrorism, was an extremely courageous decision. Rand Wickremesinghe took it, because there was no way in which one could begin to engage with the LTTE in serious discussion while they were a proscribed organization.
I recall that at the time many of his ministers and officials were calling for caution. Excepting for a few, most were doubtful as to whether the LTTE could, as they said, ‘be trusted’. Ranil Wickremesinghe encouraged members of his staff, whom he knew shared his confidence, to make informal contacts with the LTTE members who could be helpful in moving the process forward. I was able to do that myself with my contact with the TRO (Tamil Relief Organization) and the LTTE peace secretariat in Kilinochchi headed by Pulitheevan.
The TRO had an office in Colombo and advisors who were mainly expatriate Tamils from Australia who had chosen to come in and work on relief and rehabilitation in the north and east. The most prominent of these was Jay Maheswaran, who was playing a significant role, both on the developmental side and as an advisor to Thamil Selvam, the political head of the LTTE. Contact with the other side increased as the peace process moved forward necessitating regular conversations with key LTTE personalities both in Kilinochchi and Colombo usually arranged through the Norwegian facilitator.
Ranil set up two agencies with full Cabinet authority to assist the process. The first of these, funded by Norway, was SCOPP (Secretariat for the Coordination of the Peace Process) to facilitate and provide the logistical support for the talks between the two parties. The other, funded by the government budget and UNDP was the office of the Commissioner-General for Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation popularly known as the ‘Triple R Project’.
Since I was to head the Triple R in my capacity as secretary to the PM, I informed Ranil that I would do the latter job free of any payment and got that included in the Cabinet paper which set up the project. I felt it a privilege to be in a position to do something which might preserve the peace and improve the lot of thousands who had so far led a miserable existence on account of the war. I also hoped that it might serve as a small example to others to help a good cause by giving their voluntary time and helping in any possible way. I had a good response from many journalists, public relations firms, academics, retired officials and executives of NGOs who felt strongly about keeping the peace and moving forward with reconciliation, and offered me part of their time, free.
As could be expected, not everyone was supportive. The issue of peace itself was deeply divisive. There were some with straightforward political agendas. They were hoping that Ranil’s effort would fail. They did all they could to propagate the thought that the CFA was full of flaws; the talks were inconclusive and a waste of time and money; the government was recklessly and foolishly giving the LTTE the opportunity through peace to rearm and attack once again. There were others who had it good during the years of conflict and who felt that peace had deprived them of both power and many opportunities of rich pickings.
There was the curious anomaly that the economy had not done so badly during the war (around four per cent annual growth) and that unemployment – through increases in the size of the armed forces and police – had been appreciably reduced. There were also others genuinely of the view that the government was on the wrong track and that ‘giving in to the terrorists’ and the international donor community, who were perceived to favour the Tamils, would bring about the end of the ‘motherland’. I was surprised at how widely this was believed, especially by the middle-class and professional levels in Sri Lanka and the expatriate Sinhalese community. They clearly felt insecure at what was going on and extremely suspicious of the motives and actions of Ranil and those in the front line of actors furthering the peace.
Ranil’s significant work in bringing in the ‘international community’ to support the peace process and fund the huge development needs in the conflict-affected areas were also misunderstood and in fact held against him. What was especially unacceptable was for these opponents to see and hear of leaders of the developed countries, such as Chris Patten of the EU or Yashusi Akashi of Japan going over to Kilinochchi for discussions with Prabhakaran. As a The Island editorial put- it ‘foreign “well-wishers” were treating Sri Lankan national sovereignty with utter disdain by treating terrorists as rulers of sub-kingdoms here’.
This was surprising, given the two years of effort in normalizing relations between the two sides. Similar sentiments had been expressed against India for its mediatory effort in 1987, and it gives rise to the question as to whether people who hold this kind of view, and there are obviously many, would ever be satisfied with a peace process .
The Economic Reform Agenda
The second thrust in his overall strategy for the transformation of the country was the economy. The neo-liberal paradigm, now accepted globally even by countries like Russia and China, which had virtually given up socialism as a guiding tool, had been successfully initiated by J R in 1977. The ‘distortions’ that had crept in since 1994 through the mixed economic model of the previous government had to be set right.
Ranil’s vision and plan for the restoration of a crippled economy was brought out lucidly in what he called Regaining Sri Lanka (RSL). He himself put a great deal of thought into the formulation of the ideas behind the document. I personally know that he spent several weekends of his time, usually at Bentota, where he established a modest ‘retreat’, refining it with the help of his team of economic experts.
Jim Robertson, one of a group of highly qualified and competent advisors who assisted Ranil, succeeded in getting the language right so that the text was not only intelligible to the average lay reader but was acceptable to the donors and the international lending agencies. This was a considerable achievement and fully worth the investment of time and energy as most of the material produced locally reeked with jargon and was gobbledygook especially for the foreign investor. In accordance with the spirit of the times, he had RSL published on the web for worldwide information, in addition to having the document made public in the three national languages.
To have the initial ideas further spelled out and to draw up an action plan in respect of the several sectors which made up Regaining Sri Lanka, Ranil created eight steering committees composed of persons both from the public and private sectors. The steering committees were co-ordinated by Paskeralingam and came up with issues which needed policy direction at the weekly meetings of the economic policy sub-committee of the Cabinet, with several actionable points being decided on at their. meetings.
The sectoral steering committees also had their monitoring role and the performance figures for the various national projects were fed into the National Operations Room which functioned from the World Trade Centre in the Fort. The idea was that Ranil would be able to monitor progress through his computer at Temple Trees. I believe Ranil was inspired in this hands-on monitoring function by the path-breaking achievements in Andhra Pradesh where the former chief minister Chandrababu Naidu was running a most efficient and people-oriented government heavily assisted by information communication technology.
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caeser by Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️
To be continued
Features
The challenge of being positive about SAARC
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
Features
OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Features
Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
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